• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.100-121
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• 2023

This paper examines the interior settings of a chamber and of a temporary place of enshrinement at Yeonghuijeon (永禧殿, Hall of Eternal Happiness), the representative official portrait hall in which portraits of early and late Joseon kings were enshrined. Also, it discusses the features of the Five Peak screens used therein. The physical environment of a chamber at Yeonghuijeon mainly consisted of a four-panel folding screen with a painting of Five Peaks and a large wooden platform, which was adorned with dragon and lion patterns and attached to lotus-leaf column balustrades. The Five Peak screen was installed on a large platform in the shape of ⊓, spreading across the second and third panels on the back and folding out on the first and fourth panels on the right and left sides. When a portrait was enshrined in a temporary place, a simpler and smaller platform with railings was used. A four-panel folding screen of the Five Peak painting was installed in the same way as in a chamber, but was unfolded around a smaller platform behind it. A royal portrait was displayed in each chamber, whereas a case in which a portrait was rolled up was put on the smaller platform in a temporary place. The Five Peak screens for a chamber and a temporary place were all large four-panel folding screens with two wide panels in the middle and two narrow panels on each side, and only strips of silk were mounted on the four edges of the screens without additional wide lower-side mountings. While screens for the chamber used patterned silk for mounting and white paper for backing on screen frames, screens for the temporary place used plain silk and recycled failed test papers for mounting and backing, respectively. By examining records in the literature on the Five Peak screens for Yeonghuijeon, this paper highlights two Five Peak screens, both of which lost their provenance from the hall. The structures of the two screens reflected the way they were to be installed at the hall. Furthermore, this paper assumes that a Five Peak screen, which had been unfolded on the throne in the main hall of Changdeokgung Palace after the 1960s, was produced in 1858 for the purpose of temporarily enshrining King Sunjo's portrait due to the fact that failed test papers of the 1840s were laid taut over the frame.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.182-205
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• 2023

The use of royal artificial flowers was finally found through schematics and records in Wonhaeng Eulmyojeongri Uigwe, which organized the procession to Hwaseong in 1795. The results of classifying the uses of artificial flowers in the brthday banquet at Bongsudang Hall in 1795 and considering the shape, user, and usage are as follows. According to literature records, artificial flowers were made with high-quality materials such as gold, silver, and silk thread in the early period, but were mainly made of paper in the later period. Artificial flowers were used for decorating official hats, Bongsudang Hall, and banquet tables. The Sagwonhwa was used for decoration of the official hats of members of the royal family, and the one on the top was called Eosam-Sagwonhwa. At the birthday banquet inBongsudang Hall, King Jeongjo and Hyegyeonggung used the Eosam-Sagwonhwa and put it on the right side of the official hats. Officials put peach blossom with two petals on the left side of the official hats for decoration. The artificial flowers for decoration of the official hats of musicians and dancers were more expensive and flashier than the officials' ones. Depending on the dance, several artificial flowers were inserted into the official hats. When measuring the size of artificial flowers, the scale used was when making a ceremonial article. For artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet hall, red and white peach blossoms were placed in two jars with dragons painted on them and them placed on two red-painted tables, respectively. The table and jar with flowers were tied together with a red cotton string and fixed so as not to fall over. The artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet table of King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung, and the king's sisters were a large lotus, medium-sized lotus, peony, rose, and specially made peach flowers. The artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet table of guests and officials were small lotuses and peach blossoms. The artificial flowers used in the birthday banquet at Bongsudang Hall the most were peach blossoms, and peaches had the meaning of longevity and exorcism. It is expected that the above research results will be helpful in understanding the characteristics and usage of artificial flowers in the period of King Jeongjo and use in reproducing royal feasts and producing traditional cultural contents.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.184-254
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• 2022

Through this thesis, the psychological meaning of the Korean folktale 'the servant who ruined the master's house' was examined. The opposition between the master and the servant is a universal matter of the human psychology. It can be seen as a conflict between the hardened existing collective consciousness and the new consciousness to compensate for and renew it. From different angles, it has become the opposition between man's spiritual and instinctive aspects, between the conscious and the unconscious, or between the ego and the shadow. In the folktale, the master tries several times to get rid of the youngest servant, but the servant uses tricks and wits to steal food, a horse, the youngest sister, and all money from the master, and finally, take his life. It ends with the marriage of the youngest sister and the servant. Enantiodromia, in which the master dies, and the servant becomes the new master, can be seen that the old collective consciousness is destroyed, and the new consciousness that has risen from the collective unconscious takes the dominant position. In an individual's psychological situation, it can be seen that the existing attitude of the ego is dissolved and transformed into a new attitude. In the middle of the story, the servant marries the youngest sister by exploiting naive people to rewrite the back letter written by the master to kill him. This aspect can be understood negatively in the moral concept of collective consciousness, but it can also be seen as a process of integrating mental elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness of the Joseon Dynasty, symbolized by a woman, a honey seller, and a hungry Buddhist monk. The new consciousness, represented by the servant, has the characteristics of a trickster that is not bound by the existing frame, so it can encompass the psychological elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness. Such element may represent compensation or an alternative to the collective consciousness in the late Joseon Dynasty. The master puts the servant in a leather bag and hangs it on a tree to kill the servant. However, the servant deceives a blind man; he opened his eyes while hanged. Instead of the servant, the blind man dies, and the servant is freed. As the problem of the conflict between master and servant is finally entrusted to the whole spirit (Self) symbolized by a tree, the blind man gets removed. It can be understood as an intention of the Self to distinguish and purify the elements of recklessness, stupidity, and greed included in the trickster. Through these processes, the servant, which symbolizes a new change in collective consciousness or a new attitude of ego, solves the existing problems and takes the place of the master. While listening to the cunning servant's performance, the audience feels a sense of joy and liberation. At the same time, in the part where the blind man and the master's family die instead and the servant becomes the master, they experience feelings of fear and concern about the danger and uncontrollability of the servant. The tricksters appearing in foreign analogies are also thoroughly selfish and make innocent beings deceive or die in order to satisfy their desires and escape from danger. Efforts to punish or reform these tricksters are futile and they run away. Therefore, this folktale can also be seen as having a purpose and meaning to let us know that this archetypal shadow is very dangerous and that consciousness cannot control or assimilate it, but only awe and contemplate it. Trickster is an irrational manifestation of revivifying natural energy that rises from the unconscious as a compensation for hardened existing structure and order. The phenomenon may be destructive and immoral from the standpoint of the existing collective mind, but it should be seen as a function of the collective unconscious, a more fundamental psychic function that cannot be morally defined. The servant, a figure of the trickster archetype, is a being that brings transformation and has the duality and contradiction of destructiveness and creativity. The endings of this folktale's analogies are diverse, reflecting the diversified response of the audience's mind due to the ambivalence of the trickster, and also suggesting various responses toward the problem of the trickster from the unconscious. It also shows that the trickster is a problem of inconclusive and controversial contradictions that cannot be controlled with a conscious rational attitude, and that we can only seriously contemplate the trickster archetype within us.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.58-74
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• 2018

This study aims to propose baseline data for designing restoration of Gaobyulup, researching space formation and characteristics of gardens of Gaobyulup, which located in the foot of Cheonmasan Mountain in Namyangju. Gaobyulup is a remain in retirement of Gyulsan Yu-Won Lee, a representative politician, administrator, and tea drinker in late Joseon Dynasty. The results of the research about the shape of Gaobyulup deducted through reference review, poetry and prose analysis, an on-the-spot survey and residents' interview are below: Lee, who used pseudonym as 'Gyulsan,' which menas Jongnamsan Mountain, yearned Mangcheonbyeoreop(輞川別業) by Yu Wang and retirement with a country house operation by Seogye Sedang Park. In the persuit of this ideal, he created and operated a country house in Gaogok of Yangju, which a family burial ground was located. Gaobyulup, which located in Gaogok in the lower part of Cheonmasan Mountain, was largely composed outer and inner gardens, and the area of house operation was started from a stone post of Gaobokji The inner garden of Gaobyulup was including major garden components like buildings, such as Sasihyanggwan, Obaekganjung, Imharyoe and Toesadam, and Chaewon near Haengrangchae, and Gwawon in an backyard. In addition, Younggwijung pavilion, which located 850m away from Gaobyulup, was the another country house inside the Byulup, thus Gaobyulup shows a duplex space formation. In the inner garden of Gaobyulup, there are Sasihyanggwan, which had functions of Sarangchae as library and depository of old paintings and calligraphic works, and Obaekganjung, a small Sarangchae which connected with Sasihyanggwan in the form of a transept. Yusanggoksuger located near Obaekganjung. Additionally, Imharyeo, a library with a tablet of Byeokryowon(??園), which located in the highest point in Byulup, has the functions of a reading room and a tea house. Many Taihu stones were located not only in Toesadam, a square-formed pond with lotus but also many places in the inner gardens. And rare garden plants were planted. These were closely related to the trend of horticulture for pleasure, wealth, and collecting old paintings and calligraphic works for pleasure of Lee. Meanwhile, the area of Younggwijung pavilion, located in Gaocheon stream fall from Byulup to Manhoiam, looks like Wooampok, a enjoying place of other personages, who use their pseudonym as "Oksan" or "Wooam" Lee identifies Wooampok as "Jesampok" and carved 'Gyulsan' s he declared this place is his operating area. Lee built Younggwijung pavilion and planted many peach trees for recreation of utopia. The stone letters of Byukpadongcheon, located in front of a bridge in the foreside of Younggwijung pavilion, seems another enchanted land created in Gaobokji inside. Lee carved Jeilsan in huge rock on the falls rear Manhoiam temple, which Lee did great role of foundation of the temple, so he identifies that this place was the end of the outer garden of Gaobyulup. This study tries to estimate traces of the country house in Gaogok through reference review and on-th-spot survey, and the results from this study are presumed based on site remains only conformed today. It needs to discover second scenary or stone carved letters between Jeilsan and Jesampok. Additionally, exact formation characteristics of Gaobyulup should be identified through excavation survey later. To do so, an interest and a major role of Namyangju-si must be equipped for future restoration of Gaobyulup.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.