• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.257-301
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• 2018

The purpose of the study is to examine righteous army activity and combat in Hapcheon during the Imjin invasion period. The resulting conclusions are as follows. First, Chung In-hong raised a righteous army in Hapcheon and Kim Myeon raised an army in Goryeong. Chung In-hong commanded the army and fought against Japanese army with a leadership of knowing the enemy and himself, and Kim Myeon commanded the army and fought against Japanese military with a leadership of harmony. Second, battles of Chung In-hong's righteous army are the first Mugye battle, the ambush battle in Sawon-dong, the Chogye Majin battle, the Aneon battle, and the third Seongju Castle battle. Battles of Kim Myeon's righteous army are the Yeongang battle, the Gaesanpo battle, the second Mugye battle, the Ucheok-hyeon battle, the Jirye battle, and the Sarangam battle. Battles that Chung In-hong and Kim Myeon united and fought are the first and second Seongju Castle battles. In Jeongyu Jaeran, Chung In-hong played a role of Jodosa who takes charge of provisions in the right area of Gyeongsang. In addition, Hapcheon was the access road and transport route where Japanese army entered Jeolla-do. Third, participation and role of Ming troops are part of restraint device against Japanese army with military tactics of ii chei(using foreigners to control foreigners) to remove Japanese army from Joseon and defend Yodong. After a victory of Li Rusong in Pyeongyang Castle in January, 1593(the 26th year of Seongjo), Ming troops pursued practical interest through peace talks rather than active battles. When there was practically Siege of Jinju, Yujeong troops of Ming entered with hand-to-hand martial arts of Sacheon soldiers in late June, 1593, but did not participate because they should wait for orders of Gyeongnyak Song Eung-chang and Admiral Li Rusong. Fourth, in the Imjin invasion period, Joseon suffered terrible damage such as ruin of the whole country by invasion of Japanese army and in need of aid of military rice from Ming troops, but righteous armies and the royal forces in each area cooperated so defeated Japanese army. It is understood through a case of Hapcheon in the right area of Gyeongsang. Especially, Joseon did not succumb to pressure of Ming troops that used full powers to two aspects such as settlement and battle with Japan during the war, and did not lose national confidence and pride by showing a fighting will to fight against Japanese army to the end with independence. Such a spiritual culture originated from homeland protection and loyalty to the king, and is national spirit of resistance that sublimates the united mind and spirit of community to protect a country against foreign invasion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.120-135
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• 2021

Changdeokgung Rear Garden is an important place to show the essence of the garden culture of the Joseon Dynasty. In the garden landscape experience, the restoration of the road completes the system of connecting the main spaces. Therefore, the restoration of the road requires accurate understanding of its creation, extinction, and maintenance. The purpose of this study was to detail the changes in the path that occurred in the Changdeokgung Palace Rear Garden from the late Joseon Dynasty to the modern and contemporary period by analyzing literature and drawing materials. For a time-series analysis, "Donggwoldo" and "Donggwoldohyeong" produced in the Joseon Dynasty, along with "Changdeokgung Plan Drawing" produced in modern and contemporary times, and aerial photographs were used. Drawings and photographs of different coordinate systems were transformed into one coordinate system in the geographic information system ArcGIS to compare changes in the movements of different periods. The results of the study are as follows. First, a total of 37 sections have been used since Japanese colonial era, of which 13 have been maintained, 14 have disappeared, and 10 have been newly established. Among the extinction sections, the road north of Neungheojeong Pavilion is considered to be an urgent place to connect the space to the garden and restore it to enjoy the scenery. In the new section, it seems necessary to establish a new alternative road or shorten the section for the connecting section between Daebodan and Okryucheon. Second, it was revealed that the biggest and most frequent changes to the road system in the garden were Japanese colonial era and renovations in the 1970s. It is worth noting the changes in the road since the 1970s, rather than Japanese colonial era, where it was difficult to manage the gardens independently. The access road to Okryucheon remained in its original shape until the 1990s, but it was renovated to its current shape due to misperception of the original shape. A project is needed to find out the cause of the change in this period and restore the damaged original shape. The biggest achievement of this study is that it revealed the changes in the garden path of Changdeokgung Palace in modern and contemporary times. The biggest achievement of this study is that it revealed the changes in the road of Changdeokgung Palace Rear Gardens in modern and contemporary times. However, there is a limitation that it has not been able to clearly present the location and shape that should be restored because it has not found data on landscaping plans or maintenance. In order to restore the road using the data revealed in this study, it seems necessary to consider realistic problems such as current space utilization, viewing system, disaster prevention and maintenance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.214-230
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• 2022

This paper discusses the characteristics and background of the production of white porcelain with the "Byeol(別)" inscription. Such porcelain was produced by the government-run porcelain kiln, Gwanyo(官窯), in the 16th and 17th centuries (from the 1560s to the 1640s), during the Joseon dynasty. The white porcelain ware, inscribed with either the term Byeol or "jwa(左)" and "u(右)," constituted a dual production system of white porcelain by Gwanyo starting in the 1560s. However, to date, few studies have examined Byeol-inscribed white porcelain. This, therefore, makes it difficult to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of inscriptions on the white porcelain produced by Gwanyo in the 15th to 17th centuries. Besides a regular annual stock of porcelain(年例進上磁器), Gwanyo also produced and supplied additional porcelain ware, or Byeol-gi, at the behest of the royal family or the court of Joseon. Byeol-inscribed white porcelain is a form of Byeol-gi, produced through extra firing, or Byeolbeon(別燔). According to use, Byeol-gi can be categorized as an item for national use(國用) or an item for internal use(內用). However, if the porcelain only carries the "Byeol(別)" inscription, it is difficult to identify its characteristics. Furthermore, as part of the annual production of porcelain was for the supply of Byeol-gi, and then for other purposes, the white porcelain came to be inscribed with dots indicating a change in ownership. In the 16th century, the royal family increased its consumption of white porcelain based on Shinyu Gongan(辛酉貢案), the government's fiscal reform measures. To guarantee a stable supply of exceptional Byeol-gi in light of Gwanyo's decline in the 1560s, the royal family benefited from the inscription of "Byeol." The white porcelain produced by Gwanyo was divided into annual offerings-those with the inscriptions "jwa(左)" and "u(右)"-and Byeol-gi, those with the inscription of "Byeol." They were managed separately from the commencement of production. Byeol-inscribed white porcelain was produced until the 1640s. During the mid-and late 1640s, Byeolbeon was temporarily suspended. Starting in the 1650s, the white clay used to produce the annual stock of white porcelain was sourced from regions other than those providing the clay for Byeol-gi production. The former used clay from Wonju(原州土) and Seosan(瑞山土), while the latter used clay from Gyeongju(慶州土) and Seoncheon(宣川土). According to the literature, the clay from Gyeongju and Seoncheon was much cleaner than that from Wonju and Seosan. Byeolbeon thus underwent a transformation, whereby production was separately managed, right from the stage of white clay mining. Ultimately, the need for the separate management of Byeol-gi through inscriptions diminished, resulting in the disappearance of Byeol-inscribed white porcelain.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.252-271
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• 2022

This article examines the characteristics of the royal tombs of the late Silla Dynasty with the statues of the 12 animal deities(Zodiac) and estimates the process of change. The features of the statues show a difference in their combination in terms of continuity and similarity of the object in their hands. In addition, there is a difference in the shape of the face of the stone statue, and differences are observed in the orientation and aspect ratio of the statue according to the sculptural method. The characteristics of these statues are somewhat different from the previously studied protected-stone and manufacturing techniques. For example, the Zodiac statues that are flattened from high relief to low relief are known to be decorated in realistic expressions, but they tend to be treated as separate conditions because they do not match the change of the stone. In addition, there was a characteristic that did not show regular changes, such as appearing and disappearing again when there was no balustrade in the tomb. Summing up the characteristics of each part, the Zodiac statues are largely divided into curved angles and flat angles according to the sculptural technique, and the head orientation and clothing of the statue are related. They are divided into two categories and can be viewed as having temporality according to the aspect ratio. These characteristic changes are consistent with the continuity of features and changes in the object in the hands of the 12 Zodiac statues. Therefore, the number of faces with protected-stone changes were gradually increasing in trend. As a result, there is a possibility that the Gujeongdong Square-shape Tomb and King Jindeok Tomb are earlier royal tombs than the Wonseong Royal Tomb. Therefore, the royal tombs of the late Silla Dynasty have a complete, tomb structure, containing the 12 animal god statues, ceremonial spaces(拜禮空間), Shindo(神道), stone statues(石像), and tombstones. This can be understood as a basic motif for the royal tomb structures of Goryeo and Joseon.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.129-150
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• 2012

The tectonic evolution of the Central Ogcheon Belt has been newly analyzed in this paper from the detailed geological maps by lithofacies classification, the development processes of geological structures, microstructures, and the time-relationship between deformation and metamorphism in the Ogcheon, Cheongsan, Mungyeong Buunnyeong, Busan areas, Korea and the fossil and radiometric age data of the Ogcheon Supergroup(OSG). The 1st tectonic phase($D^*$) is marked by the rifting of the original Gyeonggi Massif into North Gyeonggi Massif(present Gyeonggi Massif) and South Gyeonggi Massif (Bakdallyeong and Busan gneiss complexes). The Joseon Supergroup(JSG) and the lower unit(quartzose psammitic, pelitic, calcareous and basic rocks) of OSG were deposited in the Ogcheon rift basin during Early Paleozoic time, and the Pyeongan Supergroup(PSG) and its upper unit(conglomerate and pelitic rocks and acidic rocks) appeared in Late Paleozoic time. The 2nd tectonic phase(Ogcheon-Cheongsan phase/Songnim orogeny: D1), which occurred during Late Permian-Middle Triassic age, is characterized by the closing of Ogcheon rift basin(= the coupling of the North and South Gyeonggi Massifs) in the earlier phase(Ogcheon subphase: D1a), and by the coupling of South China block(Gyeonggi Massif and Ogcheon Zone) and North China block(Yeongnam Massif and Taebaksan Zone) in the later phase(Cheongsan subphase: D1b). At the earlier stage of D1a occurred the M1 medium-pressure type metamorphism of OSG related to the growth of coarse biotites, garnets, staurolites. At its later stage, the medium-pressure type metamorphic rocks were exhumed as some nappes with SE-vergence, and the giant-scale sheath fold, regional foliation, stretching lineation were formed in the OSG. At the D1b subphase which occurs under (N)NE-(S)SW compression, the thrusts with NNE- or/and SSW-vergence were formed in the front and rear parts of couple, and the NNE-trending Cheongsan shear zone of dextral strike-slip and the NNE-trending upright folds of the JSG and PSG were also formed in its flank part, and Daedong basin was built in Korean Peninsula. After that, Daedong Group(DG) of the Late Triassic-Early Jurassic was deposited. The 3rd tectonic phase(Honam phase/Daebo orogeny: D2) occurred by the transpression tectonics of NNE-trending Honam dextral strike-slip shearing in Early~Late Jurassic time, and formed the asymmetric crenulated fold in the OSG and the NNE-trending recumbent folds in the JSG and PSG and the thrust faults with ESE-vergence in which pre-Late Triassic Supergroups override DG. The M2 contact metamorphism of andalusite-sillimanite type by the intrusion of Daebo granitoids occurred at the D2 intertectonic phase of Middle Jurassic age. The 4th tectonic phase(Cheongmari phase: D3) occurred under the N-S compression at Early Cretaceous time, and formed the pull-apart Cretaceous sedimentary basins accompanying the NNE-trending sinistral strike-slip shearing. The M3 retrograde metamorphism of OSG associated with the crystallization of chlorite porphyroblasts mainly occurred after the D2. After the D3, the sinistral displacement(Geumgang phase: D4) occurred along the Geumgang fault accompanied with the giant-scale Geumgang drag fold with its parasitic kink folds in the Ogcheon area. These folds are intruded by acidic dykes of Late Cretaceous age.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.58-67
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• 2020

The present study was conducted as part of basic research for selecting species of street trees with historical value in Seoul. It also made up a list of traditional landscape trees for a variety of alternatives. The following results are shown below. As to the history of street trees in Korea, records on to-be-estimated street trees are found in historical documents written in King Yangwon during the second year of Goguryeo Dynasty (546) and King Myeongjong during 27 year of Goryeo (1197). However, it is assumed that lack of clarity is found in historical records. During the 23 year of King Sejong in the early Joseon Dynasty (1441), the record showed that the state planted street trees as guideposts on the postal road. The records revealed that Ulmus spp. and Salix spp. were planted as guidance trees. The street tree system was performed in the early Joseon Dynasty as recorded in the first year of King Danjong document. Pinus densiflora, Pinus koraiensis, Pyrus pyrifolia var. culta, Castanea crenata, Styphnolobium japonicum and Salix spp. were planted along the avenue at both left and right sides. Morus alba were planted on streets during the five year of King Sejo (1459). As illustrated in pieces Apgujeong by painter Jeongseon and Jinheonmajeongsaekdo in the reign of King Yeongjo, street trees were planted. This arrangement is associated with a number of elements such as king procession, major entrance roads in Seoul, place for horse markets, prevention of roads from flood and indication. In the reign of King Jeongjo, there are many cases related to planting Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla and Salix spp. for king procession. Turning king roads and related areas into sanctuaries is considered as technique for planting street trees. During the 32 year of King Gojong after opening ports (1985), the state promoted planting trees along both sides of roads. At the time, many Populus davidiana called white poplars were planted as rapidly growing street trees. There are 17 taxa in the Era of Three Kingdoms records, 31 taxa in Goryeo Dynasty records and 55 taxa in Joseon Dynasty records, respectively, described in historical documents to be available for being planted as street trees in Seoul. 16 taxa are recorded in three periods, which are Era of Three Kingdoms, Goryeo Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty. These taxa can be seen as relatively excellent ones in terms of historical value. The introduction of alien plants and legal improvement in the Japanese colonial period resulted in modernization of street tree planting system. Under the six-year street tree planting plan (1934-1940) implemented as part of expanding metropolitan areas outside the capital launched in 1936, four major street trees of top 10 taxa were a Populus deltoides, Populus nigra var. italica, Populus davidiana, Populus alba. The remaining six trees were Salix babylonica, Robinia pseudoacacia, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, and Acer negundo. Beginning in the mid- and late 1930s, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis were introduced into Korea as new taxa of street trees and planted in many regions. Beginning on 1942, Ailanthus altissima was recommended as street trees for the purpose of producing silks. In 1957 after liberation, major street tree taxa included Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, Populus nigra var. italica, Ailanthus altissima, Populus deltoides and Salix babylonica. The rank of major street tree species planted in the Japanese colonial period had changed. Tree planting trend around that period primarily representing Platanus occidentalis and Ginkgo biloba still holds true until now.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.5-46
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• 2021

The film Moranbong is the product of a trip to North Korea in 1958, when Armangati, Chris Marker, Claude Lantzmann, Francis Lemarck and Jean-Claude Bonardo left at the invitation of Joseon Film. However, for political reasons, the film was not immediately released, and it was not until 2010 that it was rediscovered and received attention. The movie consists of the narratives of Young-ran and Dong-il, set in the Korean War, that are folded into the narratives of Chunhyang and Mongryong in the classic Chunhyangjeon of Joseon. At this time, Joseon's classics are reproduced in the form of the drama Chunhyangjeon, which shares the time zone with the two main characters, and the two narratives are covered in a total of six scenes. There are two layers of middle-story frames in the movie, and if the same narrative is set in North Korea in the 1950s, there is an epic produced by the producers and actors of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon as a complete work. In the outermost frame of the movie, Dong-il is the main character, but in the inner double frame, Young-ran, who is an actor growing up with the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and a character in the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, is the center. The following three OST albums are Corée Moranbong released in France in 1960, Musique de corée released in 1970, and 朝鮮の伝統音樂-唱劇 「春香伝」と伝統樂器- released in 1968 in Japan. While Corée Moranbong consists only of the music from the film Moranbong, the two subsequent albums included additional songs collected and recorded by Pyongyang National Broadcasting System. However, there is no information about the movie Moranbong on the album released in Japan. Under the circumstances, it is highly likely that the author of the record label or music commentary has not confirmed the existence of the movie Moranbong, and may have intentionally excluded related contents due to the background of the film's ban on its release. The results of analyzing the detailed scenes of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, Farewell Song, Sipjang-ga, Chundangsigwa, Bakseokti and Prison Song in the movie Moranbong or OST album in the 1950s are as follows. First, the process of establishing the North Korean Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon in the 1950s was confirmed. The play, compiled in 1955 through the Joseon Changgeuk Collection, was settled in the form of a Changgeuk that can be performed in the late 1950s by the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon between 1956 and 1958. Since the 1960s, Chunhyangjeon has no longer been performed as a traditional pansori-style Changgeuk, so the film Moranbong and the album Corée moranbong are almost the last records to capture the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and its music. Second, we confirmed the responses of the actors to the controversy over Takseong in the North Korean creative world in the 1950s. Until 1959, there was a voice of criticism surrounding Takseong and a voice of advocacy that it was also a national characteristic. Shin Woo-sun, who almost eliminated Takseong with clear and high-pitched phrases, air man who changed according to the situation, who chose Takseong but did not actively remove Takseong, Lim So-hyang, who tried to maintain his own tone while accepting some of modern vocalization. Although Cho Sang-sun and Lim So-hyang were also guaranteed roles to continue their voices, the selection/exclusion patterns in the movie Moranbong were linked to the Takseong removal guidelines required by North Korean musicians in the name of Dang and People in the 1950s. Second, Changgeuk actors' response to the controversy over the turbidity of the North Korean Changgeuk community in the 1950s was confirmed. Until 1959, there were voices of criticism and support surrounding Taksung in North Korea. Shin Woo-sun, who showed consistent performance in removing turbidity with clear, high-pitched vocal sounds, Gong Gi-nam, who did not actively remove turbidity depending on the situation, Cho Sang-sun, who accepted some of the vocalization required by the party, while maintaining his original tone. On the other hand, Cho Sang-seon and Lim So-hyang were guaranteed roles to continue their sounds, but the selection/exclusion patterns of Moranbong was independently linked to the guidelines for removing turbidity that the Gugak musicians who crossed to North Korea had been asked for.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.104-123
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• 2019

Various European countries were active rather early on in the formation and research of Korean ceramics, which are considered a representative genre of Korean art. Of these, England is especially noteworthy due to its relatively large volume of extant archival material related to the procurement of Korean ceramics in modern Britain. The material is important in that it contributes to our understanding of the formation and economic worth of these collections. Especially meaningful are the previously unknown documents dating to the period when institutions such as the British Museum and the Victoria & Albert Museum were most actively collecting Korean ceramics. These documents provide insight into the circumstances-process, prices, standards, perceptions, etc.-of procurement for the Korean ceramics now in British collections. The changes in the perception of Korean ceramics and the intention for forming such collections in modern Britain can be divided into three periods. The first, starting from the late 1870s and ending in the late 1880s, is categorized by the collectors' misguided ideal of Korean ceramics in the absence of a true understanding of the subject. During the late 1880s up until 1910, the Korean ceramics entering British collections were mostly ethnographic in nature and examples of implements used in Koreans' daily lives. Lastly, from 1910 to 1940, Korean ceramics were regarded as art objects to be collected, and Goryeo celadons formed the core of many of the British collections being assembled at the time. As for the matter of collecting standards and processes, the matter is examined through the study of three individuals who visited Korea and acquired Korean ceramics in the early 20th century. After 1910, the British started to make trips to the Far East via boat or the Trans-Siberian Express and purchase Korean ceramics during their travels. It has been confirmed that former bureaucrats were able to acquire 'good and old Goryeo ceramics' at reasonable prices from either tomb robbers or through direct visits to regions where such wares were being excavated. In addition, this study also focuses on the previously unfamiliar company Kavanaugh & Co, which made important sales and provided transport of various objects, including Korean ceramics, to its Western clients. The final part of this study examines the standards of appraisal for the Korean ceramics collected in modern Britain. The main criterion the balance between form and price of the piece. In other words, the best pieces were those that were of superior quality but acquired at the cheapest prices. British collectors particularly valued not only the Goryeo celadons favored by the Japanese but also Joseon ceramics for their innovative form, design, and technique. These standards of aesthetic and form were important factors that influenced the formation of diverse Korean ceramic collections in modern Britain.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.33
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• pp.31-72
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• 2010

At first, I extract materials on folk religion from four encyclopedic literatures of late Chosun dynasty-Lee, Ji-Bong-Ryu-Seol(『芝峯類說』) by Soo-Kwang(李晬光), San-Lim-Kyung-Jae(『山林經濟』) by Hong, Man-Sun(洪萬選), Sung-Ho-Sa-Seol(『星湖僿說』) by Lee-Ik(李瀷), O-Ju-Yeon-Moon-Jang-Jun-San-Go(『五洲衍文長箋散稿』) by Lee, Kyu-Kyung(李圭景), and present these materials by tables. Second, I examined the contents and characters of these materials on folk religion. The conclusions from this research are as follows. ① There are common features and points of difference between these four encyclopedic literatures. One of common features are that all these four are encyclopedic works, but San-Lim-Kyung-Jae is more practical than another three. ② These encyclopedic literatures regard folk religion as a negative culture, because these literatures based on Confucianism. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of folk religion. ③ These encyclopedic literatures give us many informations on gods and spirits of Korean folk religion, i.e. city gods(城隍神)·Yup-Sin(업신)·spirits of disease, god Kim-Bu(金傅大王神)·god Jung-Duk-Yang(鄭得揚)·god of King Kuan-u(關王神)·god Bu-keun(付根神) etc. So I review these gods and spirits referenced in encyclopedic literatures. ④ These encyclopedic literatures show much interest in ghost in common. The reason of interest is that authors of these encyclopedic literatures are all scholars of Sung Confucianism and Sung Confucian was concern about ghost. The Sung Confucianism denied the ghost as personal being whom Korean folk religion regards to a kind of spirits. Instead of beliefs in ghost of folk religion, they insist on the ghost as Ki(氣), a kind of cosmic principle. But these encyclopedic literatures acknowledge some parts of folk religion's beliefs in ghost, because they admit the miraculous virtues of these parts. ⑤ There are many items on divination in these encyclopedic literatures. But they show dual attitude on divinations. The one is negative attitude to divinations on individual destiny and the other one is positive attitude to divinations on agriculture. ⑥ There are also many items on witchcrafts in these encyclopedic literatures. Through these items, I assumed pervasiveness of beliefs on witchcraft at that time. ⑦ Shamans, as religious specialist, are stand on a central position of Korean folk religion. So it is a matter of course that these encyclopedic literatures concerned on Korean shaman. As Confucians, authors of these encyclopedic literatures did not regards shamans as positive one. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of shamans. In spite of these encyclopedic literatures have negative view points to, and include false informations Korean folk religion, I would like to emphasis on importance of these encyclopedic literatures to understand Korean folk religions, especially Korean folk religions of late Yi Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.