• Title/Summary/Keyword: land-use in rural China

Search Result 6, Processing Time 0.021 seconds

Changes of Land-Use Policy in Rural China (1980년대 후반 이후 중국 농촌 토지제도의 변화)

  • Moon, Soon-Cheol
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
    • /
    • v.31 no.3
    • /
    • pp.558-576
    • /
    • 1996
  • Since 1978. China has progressed her reforms of her economy. In this process, refroms in rual area have been operated with top priority. The system of collective economy had been changed into that of private economy. Rural farming and land-use system had been changed also. The household responsibility system took the place of a People's Commune. That was the system that could inspire farm-household with a will to work, and hence, increase the productivity of agriculture. However, with the developement of market mechanism in the later 1980s, that system got inadequate to new situation. For instance, incentives of a will to work slowly decreased, agricultural productivity did not increase, and labor forces were tremendously transferred to non-agricultural sector. This situation created the demand for a new system of rural land policy and use. This paper intends to describe changes of new system of land use in rual China. Those changes are as follows. 1. The system of land-circulation has been spread widely. 2. 'Liangtianzhi' (the system of two kind land-use) divided the land into two kinds, 'kouliangtian' (the land of food) and 'zerentian' (the land of obligation). The one is allocated in proportion to the per capita, and to support farm-household' and function, the other is allocated in proportion to the labor force, in order to increase the commercial function of land. 4. 'Guimojingying' (management of scale): For overcomint the disadvantage of dispersal of land, the relative concentration of land was required. 4. 'Gufenzhi' (a joint-stock system) is practised for the purpose of establishing clear-cut lines of land ownership. 5. 'Sihuangpaimai' (auction the use right of four kinds of wasteland) is for full-using of the wasteland. It can be apprehended that these systems and policies were the process of adaption to market mechanism. In these, rural China could escape form the disorder due to rapid changes, and overcome the existing contradiction.

  • PDF

A Study of the Arbitration to the Rural Land Contract Disputes in China (중국 농지임대차분쟁의 중재에 관한 고찰)

  • Kim, Yong Kil
    • Journal of Arbitration Studies
    • /
    • v.21 no.3
    • /
    • pp.137-163
    • /
    • 2011
  • The Law of the People's Republic of China on the Mediation and Arbitration of Rural Land Contract Disputes, which was adopted at the 9th session of the Standing Committee of the 11th National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China on June 27, 2009, is hereby promulgated and shall come into force as of January 1, 2010. This Law is enacted with a view to impartially and timely settling the disputes over contracted management of rural land, maintaining the legitimate rights and interests of the parties concerned and promoting the rural economic development and social stability. The mediation and arbitration of disputes over contracted management of rural land shall be governed by this Law. The disputes over the contracted management of rural land include: 1) disputes arising from the conclusion, fulfillment, modification, cancellation and termination of rural land contracts; 2) disputes arising from the sub-contract, lease, interchange, transfer, holding of shares and other means of turnover of contracted management rights to rural land ; 3) disputes arising from the withdrawal and adjustment of the contracted land; 4) disputes arising from the confirmation of contracted management rights to rural land; 5) disputes arising from impairment to the contracted management rights to rural land; and 6) other disputes over contracted management of rural land as prescribed in law and regulations. The disputes arising from requisition of collectively owned land and the compensations therefor do not fall within the scope of acceptance by the rural land contract arbitration commission, they may be settled by means of administrative reconsideration or lawsuits. In the case of disputes over the contracted management of rural land, the parties may make reconciliation by themselves or may request mediation by the villagers' committee, people's government of the township (town), etc. This study analyzed each process and the main issues on the point of the Mediation and Arbitration of Rural Land Contract Disputes.

  • PDF

Diversity, Interspecific Interaction and Abundance of Undergrowth in Monocultures and Integrated Systems of Natural Rubber Plantation in Danzhou, Southern China

  • Chima, Uzoma Darlington;Qi, Dongling;Wu, Zhixiang;Lan, Guoyu;Chen, Li
    • Journal of Forest and Environmental Science
    • /
    • v.38 no.2
    • /
    • pp.75-89
    • /
    • 2022
  • The negative impact of monoculture rubber plantations on biodiversity and associated ecological processes/ecosystem services has led to suggestions on the use of integrated land use systems for rubber cultivation and production in order to ensure environmental sustainability. However, there is paucity of information on the effect of such integrated land use systems on the diversity and abundance of the rubber plantation undergrowth. We evaluated and compared undergrowth plant species composition, richness, abundance, diversity and interaction, in three integrated systems (Rubber-Strelitzia reginae Integrated System - RSrIS, Rubber-Podocarpus nagi Integrated System - RPnIS & Naturally Managed Rubber Plantation - NMRP) with three Rubber Monoculture Plantations (RMP1, RMP2 & RMP3) adjacent to the integrated systems, respectively, at the Investigation and Experiment Station of Tropical Crops, Danzhou, Hainan, China. Undergrowth species density was higher in the rubber monocultures than in the integrated systems except in RSrIS. Species richness and diversity were also higher in the monocultures except in NMRP. Species similarity/interaction between the monocultures and the integrated systems was highest between RMP3 and NMRP. The NRMP proved to be the best model of natural rubber integrated system for the conservation of undergrowth species richness, diversity and interspecific interaction. However, the conservation of undergrowth species in other forms of integrated natural systems can be enhanced by considering the ecology of species to be integrated in terms of their growth characteristics, competitive nature, and ability to grow in association with other species.

A Study on the Reforming Method of the Rural Land Regulations in the North Korea;Focused on the Public Land Lease from Henry George's Theory (북한 농촌의 토지제도 개혁 방안 연구;헨리 조지(Henry George)의 이론을 적용한 '토지 공공 임대제'를 중심으로)

  • Park, Chang-Soo
    • Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
    • /
    • v.9 no.1
    • /
    • pp.43-60
    • /
    • 2002
  • Recently the North Korea has been suffered from the grain shortage, and the fundamental reason was in the socialistic land regulations and collective production which restrain farmers' labor desire. So one of the key in solve the problem may be in the reformation of the socialistic land regulations and collective production, however, the capitalistic land regulations may not work as the reformational alternative in the North Korea. The third alternative for land should consider efficiency and equality of reformation itself as well as environmental problems. The purpose of the study was to discuss the possible application of the Public Land Lease from Henry $George(1839{\sim}1897)'s$ theory. The basic idea of the Public Land Lease was that the government has the right of sentence and the right of profit for the land, and the individual has the right of use for the land. Under the Public Land Lease, the individual must pay the land rent for the period of the use for land, and must return the land when the contract is over. If the North Korea's rural land regulations reformed into the Public Land Lease, it would be the first reformational model beyond china.

  • PDF

O&M Evaluating for Sewage Treatment Plants in China as a Developing Country (개발도상국 중국의 하수처리장 운영.관리능 평가)

  • Kim, Kwon-Youn;Moon, Yong-Taik;Kim, Hong-Suck;Kim, Ji-Yeon
    • Journal of environmental and Sanitary engineering
    • /
    • v.21 no.3 s.61
    • /
    • pp.27-36
    • /
    • 2006
  • For the last 20 years, China has transformed itself from a rural economy into an industrial giant, averaging over 8 % annual growth of GDP. Unfortunately, this rapid growth has taken a significant toll on its natural resource base as well, particularly water resources. These problems have been exacerbated by a low level of sewage treatment technology and by the operating and maintenance (O&M). In case of urban areas, most big cities in China have a well functioning sewage system comprised of sewers and sewage treatment plants (STPs). Nevertheless, the existing STPs are still not capable of properly treating the sewage, both quantitatively and qualitatively. The rural areas in China cover a large land, with two-third of the nation's population. The low educational and poor economic states make it hard to process self-protection and management. In the surveyed area in Henan, there was no STPs put into use as of 2004, and the sewer lines are not well organized. The big issue for the currently planned STPs is the collection system not included in the plans.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
    • /
    • v.22 no.1
    • /
    • pp.19-48
    • /
    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

  • PDF