• Title/Summary/Keyword: land exploitation

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21세기 광물자원과 우리의 환경

  • O Min Su
    • Proceedings of the Mineralogical Society of Korea Conference
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    • 2002.10a
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    • pp.53-67
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    • 2002
  • As in the past, we are concerned today with the magnitudes of mineral resources and the adequacy of these resources to meet future needs. In looking at global resource issues, we should consider the need for the resource, its supply, and the environmental consequences of using it. The need for a resource can become a resource dependency, especially as the global population expands and each of us becomes increasingly dependent upon hundreds of natural materials. Therefore, our great mineral consumption makes the human population a true 'Geologic Force', which will be even more significant in the future when the global population is projected to reach alarming proportions. Although our supplies of mineral resources probably will be sufficient for the 21s1 century, the uneven distribution of minerals in the Earth's crust almost certainly will continue to be a major problem The most likely result will be major shifts in both prices and sources of supply of many mineral resources. As for energy resources, we must avoid an obsessive dependency on one fuel and expand instead to thor energy resources. Finally, because the use of resources affects the environment, we need to focus on resource exploitation and global pollution, particularly in regard to ground water and arable land. We must manage our resources so as to be in balance with our environment. And the accelerated industrialization of South Korean economy over the last three decades has resulted in the mass consumption of nuneral commodities. South Korea has around 50 useful mineral commodities for the mineral industry, among 330 kinds of minerals described. The component ratio of the mining industry sector of the gross national production(GNP) in South Korea dropped from $1.2\%\;in\;1971\;to\;0.34\%$ in 1997 due to the rapid growth of other industries In the countxy. During the period from 1971 to 1997, the average growth rate of mineral consumption in South Korea was $9.13\%$ yearly and that of GNP per capita was $14.97\%$. The mineral consumptions per capita showed a continual Increase during the last 30 years as follows(parenthesis. GNP per capita): 0.99 metric tons in 1971($\$289$), 3.83 metric tons in 1989($\$5,210$), 6.11 metric tons in 1995 ($\$10,037$), and 6.66 metric tons in 1997($9,511). The total amount of mineral consumption in South Korea was 33 million tons of 32 mineral commodities in 1971, and 306 million metric tons of 47 mineral commodities In 1997.

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The Distribution and Characteristics of Geographical Names on 1:50,000 Topographic Map of the Korean Peninsula in the Early 20th Century ("오만분일지형도(五萬分一地形圖)"에 나타난 20세기 초 한반도의 지명 분포와 특성)

  • Kim, Sun-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.43 no.1
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    • pp.87-103
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    • 2008
  • The geographical name is an expression of human knowledge about living conditions and a basic tool for understanding about regional cultures and history as a result of spatiotemporal changes. This study aims to understand the historical and regional characteristics by analyzing the frequency and distribution of geographical names of 1:50,000 topographic map in the early 20th century and materializing on electronic cultural atlas. The result of this analysis is as follows. First, the aspect of distributed geographical names on the Korean Peninsula reflects a general trait of the country's natural and human environment included geographical features, population, arable land, the number of counties and villages, and functions of administration and military, etc. Second, through the frequency and weight of their names, the analysis shows not only the change of native names, but also the country's phase of the time by Japanese colonial policies such as exploitation of resources, the construction of railroads, and a desire to control of the border area with Manchuria. In addition, the study identified regional characteristics and differences in environmental perception and preferences, and naming basis and forms by the comparative analysis of each type of geographical names associated with village and ridge such as 'Chi' 'Ryung' 'Duk' 'Hang' 'Pyeong' 'Gok'. In particular, those characteristics were largely affected from environmental difference of each area.

A Comparative Analysis on Slope Stability Using Specific Catchment Area Calculation (비 집수면적 산정기법에 따른 사면 안정성 비교·분석)

  • Lee, Gi-Ha;Oh, Sung-Ryul;An, Hyun-Uk;Jung, Kwan-Sue
    • Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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    • v.45 no.7
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    • pp.643-656
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    • 2012
  • There has been an increase for the landslide areas and restoration expenses due, in large part, to the increased locally heavy rains caused by recent climate change as well as the reckless development. This study carried out a slope stability analysis by the application of distributed wetness index, using the GIS-based infinite slope stability model, which took the root cohesion effect into consideration, for part of Mt. Umyeon in Seoul, where landslide occurred in July 2011, in order to compensate the defects of existing analysis method, and subsequently compared its result with the case on the exploitation of lumped wetness index. In addition, this study estimated the distributed wetness index by methodology, applying three methods of specific catchment area calculation: single flow direction (SFD), multiple flow direction (MFD), and infinity flow direction (IFD), for catchment area, one of the variables of distributed wetness indices, and finally implemented a series of comparative analysis for slope stability by methodology. The simulation results showed that most unstable areas within the study site were dominantly located in cutting-area surroundings along with the residential area and the mountaintop and unstable areas of IFD and lumped wetness index method were similar while SFD and MFD provided smaller unstable areas than the two former methods.

21세기 광물자원과 우리의 환경

  • 오민수
    • Proceedings of the KSEEG Conference
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    • 2002.10a
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    • pp.53-67
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    • 2002
  • As in the past, we are concerned today with the magnitudes of mineral resources and the adequacy of these resources to meet future needs. In looking at global resource issues, we should consider the need for the resource, its supply, and the environmental consequences of using it. The need for a resource can become a resource dependency, specially as the global population expands and each of us becomes Increasingly dependent upon hundreds of natural materials. Therefore, our great mineral consumption makes the human population a true “Geologic Force”, which will be even more significant in the future when the global population is projected to reach alarming proportions. Although our supplies of mineral resources probably will be sufficient for the 21st century, the uneven distribution of minerals in the Earth's crust almost certainly will continue to be a major problem. The most likely result will be major shifts in both prices and sources of supply of many mineral resources. As for energy resources, we must avoid an obsessive dependency on one fuel and expand instead to other energy resources. Finally, because the use of resources affects the environment, we need to focus on resource exploitation and global pollution, particularly in regard to ground water and arable land. We must manage our resources so as to be in balance with our environment. And the accelerated industrialization of South Korean economy over the last three decades has resulted in the mass consumption of mineral commodities. South Korea has around 50 useful mineral commodities for the mineral industry, among 330 kinds of minerals described. The component ratio of the mining industry sector of the gross national production(GNP) in South Korea dropped from 1.2% in 1971 to 0.34% in 1997 due to the rapid growth of other industries in the country. During the period from 1971 to 1997, the average growth rate of mineral consumption in South Korea was 9.13% yearly and that of GMP per capita was 14.97%. The mineral consumptions per capita showed a continual increase during the last 30 years as follows(parenthesis: GW per capita); 0.99 metric tons in 1997($289), 3.83 metric tons in 1989($5, 210), 6.11 metric tons in 1995 ($10, 037), and 6.66 metric tons in 1997($9, 511). The total amount of mineral consumption in South Korea was 33 million tons of 32 mineral commodities in 1971, and 306 million metric tons of 47 mineral commodities in 1997.

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Base Study for Improvement of School Environmental Education with the Education Indigenous Plants - In the case of Mapo-Gu Elementary School in Seoul - (자생식물 교육을 통한 학교 환경교육 개선에 관한 기초연구 - 서울시 마포구 초등학교를 중심으로 -)

  • Bang, Kwang-Ja;Park, Sung-Eun;Kang, Hyun-Kung;Ju, Jin-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Environmental Restoration Technology
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.10-19
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    • 2000
  • Due to the urbanization, concentrated population, and limited land exploitation in the modern society, the environment surrounding that we live in is getting polluted more and more, and it has become hard even to let urban children experience the nature. This research was conducted to help people recognize the importance of our natural resources through the environmental education of elementary school and to use school's practical open-space for the Indigenous Plants education. The results of this study are as follows : First, the status of a plant utilization in our institutional education : There were 362 species totally of 124 species of Trees, 156 species of Herbs, 63 species of Crops, and 19 species of Hydrophytes which appear in the elementary school text book. Of all, the most frequently appearing species of tree were the Malus pumila var. dulcissima, Pinus densijlora, Citrus unshiu, Diospyros kaki. Second, the effect of plant education using the land around schools : The result of research on the open-space of the 19 elementary schools located in Mapo-gu showed that most of the species planted are the Juniperus chinensisrose, Hibiscus syriacus. Pelargonium inquinans in the order of size, and the plants appearing in text book were grown in the botanical garden organized in 7 schools. Especially most of the Indigenous Plants were being planted in botanical garden, and Pinus densijlora, Abeliophyllum distichum, Polygonatum var. plurijlorum, Liriope platyphylla and so on. Last, the result of this research on recognition of Environment, Planting education and Indigenous plants : It showed that educational necessity of students and teachers about environment and Indigenous Plants was more than 80%. The management of botanical garden was conducted by some teachers and managers. The results of this study suggested that we needed the reconstruction of curriculum, the efficient application of plant education for effectiveness of using school environment and monitoring continually and construction information sources for the better environment education in the elementary schools.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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District 9 : Science Fiction as Social Critique (<디스트릭트 9> 사회비평으로서의 공상과학)

  • Cho, Peggy C.
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.42
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    • pp.505-524
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    • 2016
  • This study examines the ways District 9, a film released in 2009, reworks the sci-fi genre to explore the human encounter with "other" alien populations. Like Avatar, released in the same year, District 9 addresses the tropes of conflict over land and human-alien hybridity and introduces non-humans and aliens, not as invaders, but as objects of human oppression and cruelty. Unlike many other science fiction films where the encounter between humans and non-humans occurs in an unidentifiable future time and location, District 9 crosses genre barriers to engage with urban realism, producing a social critique of contemporary urban population problems. The arrival of aliens in District 9 occurs as part of the recorded human past and the film's action is carried out in the present time in the specifically identified city of Johannesburg. A distinctly anti-Hollywood film that locates the action at the street level, District 9 plays out human anxieties about contact with others by referencing the divisions and conflicts historically attached to South Africa's sprawling metropolis and its current problems of urban poverty and illegal immigrants. Focusing on how this particular urban setting frames the film, the study investigates the ways Blomkamp's sci-fi film about extra-terrestrials presents a curious postcolonial mix of aliens and immigrants surviving in abject conditions in an urban slum and forces a realistic examination of the contemporary social problems faced by South Africa's largest city and by extension other major global cities. The paper also examines the film's representation of the human-alien hybrid and its potential as a force to resist human exploitation of the other. It also claims that though the setting is highly local, District 9 speaks to a wider global audience by making obvious the exploitative practices of profit-seeking multinationals. A sci-fi film that is keen on making a social commentary on urban population conflicts, District 9 resonates with the wider sense of insecurity and fear of others that form the horizon of the uncertain and potentially violent contemporary human world.