• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제4호
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• pp.145-180
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• 2006

In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제8권6호
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• pp.949-963
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• 2000

Jambangee's advertisements in spring 1998 attracted public attention by the differentiating message of 'nationalism'. The purpose of this paper is to interpret Korean youth's culture of consumption, value, thought and culture expressed in these advertisements. The semiotic analytic method of F. Saussure and R. Barthe were used. Metaphor and metonymy as interpretive tools were used. Two levels of meaning, denotation and connotation were examined, and idelogies and mythologies were sought. Contrary to the most of jean advertisements which show youth, characteristic style, western life style and westernized beauty, refinement, materialism, and social differentiation, Jambangee's advertisement showed nationalism and patriotism. These advertisements criticized that preference of imported goods and ostentation of purchasing power brought crisis of economy and I.M.F. system. Jambangee's jeans symbolized as the meaning of nationalism and patriotism were suggested as a way to save our country. Jambangee's advertisements are meaningful. Because we had accepted western fashion passively so far, but for the first time Jambangee applied Korean design elements to jeans and gave new meanings to them through the 'nationalism'campaign.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제31권7호
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• pp.1085-1096
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• 2007

Globalization of market has put considerable research activities in cosmopolitism and nationalism. In addition, consumer's perception of product's country of origin is widely regarded as an important influence on their shopping behavior. The objective of this paper is to investigate the joint effect of cosmopolitanism and nationalism on shopping orientation and awareness of the country of origin of fashion products among Korean young consumers. Data from 471 young Korean consumers were analyzed. According to the cosmopolitanism/nationalism measure, respondents were segmented into three groups: global, local and glocal group. Results indicated that global and glocal consumers value symbolic and non-conforming aspects of fashion product shopping and were more interested in country of origin of products than local consumers. Global consumers showed higher level of foreign product preference than local and glocal consumers. Some managerial implication for marketing practitioners was suggested.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제16권8호
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• pp.341-349
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• 2018

본 연구는 한국인의 스포츠 감정에 내재된 민족주의적 속성을 규명하고 이를 토대로 그 세계화 성향에 대해 논의하고자 하였다. SNS 상의 감정 표현 텍스트를 기반으로 한국인의 스포츠 감정과 그에 내재된 민족주의 속성을 규명하고자 2016 브라질 올림픽 관련 기사를 선별하여 해당 기사의 댓글을 내용분석 한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 민족주의적 속성 단어는 해당 경기 상황을 함축적으로 나타내는 단어였다. 둘째, 한국인의 스포츠 감정은 역사적 배경을 자극하는 상황과 만날 때, 강력한 저항 민족주의의 속성을 나타내었다. 셋째, 한국인의 스포츠 감정에 내재된 민족주의는 대체로 폐쇄적 민족주의의 속성이 강하게 나타났다. 본 연구는 집단 감정으로서의 스포츠 감정에 대한 실증적이고 계량적인 접근 방법을 통해 한국인의 민족주의적 감정의 실체를 조명하였다는 점에서 그 의의가 크다 할 것이다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• 한국농촌건축학회논문집
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• 제3권3호
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• pp.11-21
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• 2001

This study is intended to clarify the ideologies and principles applied to the formative expression of church architecture which is contained both the God and human. From the result of study of modern architectural movement, all of architectural ideology have not been developed with the church architecture. Some of architectural concept have been the foundation of modern church architecture. From the point of view of theological aspects of Christianism, in church architecture which is hard to overcome the adherence of historical characteristics, especially nationalism which contain all the concepts and try the localization of church architecture play multi-functional roles to form expressional characteristics of the modern church architecture show harmonize to the modern architecture trend. The study is intended to clarify the nationalism-church architecture and to know the capability of our cases.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제59권
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• pp.116-137
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• 2012

'민족'이란 무엇이고 '민족주의'란 무엇인가? '한국 민족주의'는 무엇을 의미하며 '한국형 블록버스터 영화'라 불리는 일련의 영화들을 통해서 한국 민족주의는 어떻게 재현되는가? 이러한 의문에 해답을 제공하는 데에 이 연구의 목적이 있다. 한국형 블록버스터 영화의 민 족주의적 특성에 대한 연구는 이미 상당 기간 이루어졌고 연구자간 민족주의라는 큰 맥락에 대해서는 이미 합의된바 또한 적지 않다. 그러나 이론적인 확증이 없는 인상비평에 그치는 경우가 많았고 몇몇 이론적 논의 또한 대부분 서구 유럽의 민족 형성과정과 이에 토대한 민족주의론에 바탕을 두어 왔다. 이에 한국민족주의 담론이라는 이론적 논의를 추가하여 한국형 블록버스터 영화 속에 내재된 한국의 사회, 문화, 역사적 특수성을 더욱 정확하게 포착하고자 한다. 또한 최근 들어 민족주의를 모티브로 삼지 않은 영화들이 속속 등장하면서 한국형 블록버스터 영화는 진화 단계에 접어들었고, 이에 진화에 대한 논의를 본격화하기에 앞서 그것의 원형에 대한 민족주의 담론을 보완 재정립함으로써 향후 기대되는 한국형 블록버스터 영화의 진화론에 초석을 제공하는 데에 이 연구의 의의가 있다 하겠다. 연구 대상은 한민족의 역사적 특수성을 적확하게 보여주는 <공동경비구역 JSA (2000)>와 <한반도 (2006)>이며 한국 민족주의 담론을 중심으로 텍스트 분석을 실시하였다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제41권
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• pp.7-40
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• 2008

이 논문은 개화기 한국 사회에 근대 민족주의가 형성되는 과정에서 출판매체가 어떤 역할을 했는가를 분석하였다. 특히 1901년경부터 애국계몽운동이라는 흐름 속에서 출판매체가 활성화되는 시기에 새로운 연활자와 인쇄술을 사용하여 이루어진 출판매체들 중 계몽서적과 역사서적, 전기류 등이 근대 민족주의 형성에는 어떠한 역할을 했는가를 분석하였다. 분석결과 계몽서적들은 타자에 대한 인식의 지평을 넓혀 중화 중심의 세계관을 넘어서는데 기여하였으며 당시 사회가 지향해야 할 근대 국가의 건설 방향에 대해서 중요한 지침을 제시해 주고 근대 국가가 갖추어야 할 여러 가지 요건들을 제시해 주는 역할을 한 것으로 볼 수 있겠다. 서구의 근대 문물을 도입하는 데만 그친 것이 아니라 우리 것에 대한 관심도 새로이 일어 고전을 재출간하는 작업을 통해 고유의 정체성을 형성하는 데 기여했다고 볼 수 있다. 역사 서적들은 민족 공통의 정체성을 확립하기 위해 우리 민족이 중심이 되는 역사를 재구성해내는 성과를 거두었다고 평가할 수 있다. 시간적으로는 고대의 단군까지 거슬러 올라가는 오랜 역사 전통의 민족임을 강조하면서 공간적으로는 만주를 포괄하는 광대한 영토를 지배했던 민족으로서의 정체성을 만들어내려 했던 것이다. 전기류는 그 역사적 발전 과정에서 영웅들이 나타나서 국난을 슬기롭게 극복해 왔음을 웅변해 주었던 것이다. 이러한 작업들이 광범위하게 배포되는 인쇄매체를 통해 새롭게 확인되는 언어공동체 구성원들에게 새로운 정체성을 형성케 함으로써 근대 민족주의 형성에 기여했다고 볼 수 있겠다.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제31호
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• pp.203-240
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• 2011

안재홍은 다사리주의(主義)를 통해 좌(左) 우(右)의 대립을 지양시키고 통일민족국가(統一民族國家)를 건설하고자 했다. 다사리주의를 이념적 차원에서 논하자면, 민족주의(民族主義)라는 점과 중도노선(中途路線)이라는 점이 주목된다. 안재홍의 민족주의는 민족적 정체성(正體性)과 민족적 주체성(主體性)을 표리의 관계로 인식했다는 점과 민족주의와 세계주의를 지양시키려 했다는 점이 주목된다. 또 안재홍의 중도노선은 자유주의(자본주의)와 급진주의(공산주의)를 지양시킨 '진정(眞正) 민주주의(民主主義) 노선'이라는 점과 미(美) 소(蘇)의 간섭을 막을 수 있는 '민족자주(民族自主) 노선'이라는 점이 주목된다. 그러나 안재홍의 다사리주의는 당시의 현실에서는 아무런 결실도 거두지 못한 '실패한 노선'이기도 했다. 그러나 안재홍의 다사리주의와 중도노선(中途路線)은 오늘날에도 여전히 중요한 의의를 지닌다. 첫째, 민족(民族)과 세계(世界)를 균형있게 조화시키려 했던 안재홍의 '신민족주의(新民族主義)'는 오늘날 세계화시대(世界化時代)에 더욱 중요한 과제로 부각되고 있다. 둘째, 균등경제(均等經濟)와 평권정치(平權政治)를 추구한 안재홍의 '신민주주의(신민주주의(新民主主義))' 역시 약자(弱者)의 생존권(生存權)이 근본적으로 위협받는 오늘날 신자유주의(新自由主義)시대에 더욱 중요한 과제로 부각되고 있다. 셋째, '해방공간'에서 중도노선(中途路線)의 실패가 민족의 분단(分斷)을 뜻하는 것이었다면, 오늘날 우리는 거꾸로 중도노선(中途路線)에서 통일(統一)의 기반을 모색해야 할 것이다.