• Title/Summary/Keyword: industrial peace

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Inquiring the Possibility of Critical Pedagogy as Discourse for 'Zeitgeist' (시대정신을 위한 교육 담론으로서 비판교육학의 가능성 탐구)

  • Hur, Changsoo
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.19 no.6
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    • pp.80-91
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    • 2019
  • Korean society is now in the 2017 system. The zeitgeist is now hoping to move into a society where the right to pursue happiness centered on democracy, human rights, and peace is recognized, and to the era of the fourth industrial revolution. The paradigm shifts in the education arena began before the start of this socio-political system. The educational autonomy centered on the progressive education superintendent is accelerating the influx of alternative education, which is part of the civic education movement, through public school reforms. It can be seen that not only the progressive camp but also the conservative government emphasized educational policies such as the liberal semester system, which was gradually adopted by the government. For education that is appropriate for a rapidly changing society, it is necessary to discuss about educational grand-discourse that can alternate current public education. Although it does not mean only one discourse, it is a necessary process to systematically consider alternate education of public education and to suggest the direction for future education. In this regard, this study aims to introduce the discourse that can produce critical consciousness and creativity that emphasize the praxis and practice through critical pedagogy and bricolage.

A Study on the Experience of Life in Near Poor Elderly Living Alone in Depression: Phenomenological Study (차상위 계층 우울 독거노인 삶의 경험: 현상학적 연구)

  • Kim, Jae-Eun;Lee, Mi-Hyoung;Lee, Chai-Won;Lee, Sang-Eun;Park, Si-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.21 no.12
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    • pp.759-771
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this study was to explore the meaning of life in near-poor elderly living alone and experiencing depression. We focused on their lived experiences so that we could understand the essential structure of what kind of life they live. The eligible population included those aged 65 or older, showing 9 points or higher in the Korean form of Geriatric Depression Scale (KGDS), currently living alone for more than 1 year, having no problems of communication difficulties, and nationally defined as a near-poor group. A purposive sample of 8 seniors enrolled in s mental health welfare center in Incheon Metropolitan City were recruited. The phenomenological approach suggested by Colaizzi was used. Data was collected from May 2018 to October 2019 through in-depth interviews. As a result of the study, 6 categories, including 48 themes and 19 theme clusters, were drawn from the data: 'a shabby life that cannot live without help', 'a life where the body and mind are sick', 'a life that wants to be self-reliant', 'a life of gratitude', 'a life with inner peace', and 'a life that needed institutional support.' Findings of this study can be evidence for developing suitable emotional support programs for the near-poor elderly living alone and to enact various welfare laws and policies at the national level.

A Study on Implications of the naval Strategy in West Germany and Future Direction of Korean Navy (냉전기 서독해군 전략의 시사점과 향후 대한민국 해군의 방향성에 관한 연구)

  • Shin, Hong-Jung
    • Strategy21
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    • s.46
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    • pp.159-204
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    • 2020
  • This study is written to bring the proposal forward for the direction of south korean naval force. The political situation and the circumstance of the world, especially in the area of Pacific Ocean, are changing very rapidly. North Korea has been always the conventional existing intimidator for South Korea since the 6·25-War. Additionally, the strengthening movements of the national defense, which is easily noticed from China and Russia, is also an other part of intimidating countries against South Korea. Those three mentioned countries are continually developing the asymmetrical warfare systems, for example a strategic nuclear weapon. Since the Obama Administration, the Asia-Pacific Rebalancing-Strategy has been changed as an East Asian foreign policy. Nowadays, Trump Administration renamed the 'United States Pacific-Command' to 'United States Indo-Pacific Command'. The purpose of this is not only letting India to participate in american alliance, but also reducing an economic burden, which is often mentioned in USA. West Germany was located in the very similar geopolitical position during the Cold War just like South Korea these days. And that's why the strategy of West German Navy is worthy of notice for south korean naval force to decide its suitable strategy. Most of all, the two most important things to refer to this study are the plan to expand naval air force and the realistic political stand for us to take it. In conclusion, I laid an emphasis on maintenance of 'green-water-navy'. instead of selecting the strategy as a 'blue-water-navy'. The reason I would like to say, is that south korean navy is not available to hold the unnecessary war potential, just like Aircraft-Carrier. However, this is not meaning to let the expansion of naval force carelessly. We must search the best solution in order to maintain the firm peace within the situation. To fulfill this concept, it is mostly very important to maintain the stream of laying down a keel of destroyers, submarines and air-defense-missile, as well as the hight-tech software system, taking a survey of 4th industrial revolution. Research and development for the best solution of future aircraft by south korean navy is likewise necessary. Besides, we must also set the international diplomatic flexibly. As well as maintaining the relationship with US Forces, it is also very important to improve the relationship with other potential allied nation.

Expand public interest of Private Security activities (민간경비 활동의 공익성 확대 논의)

  • Gong, Bae Wan;Park, Yong Soo
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.3-10
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    • 2014
  • Private security organizations are complementary to the national safety of life and property of individuals as a social role to play in maintaining peace and order. Pursuit of profit is to the public practice according to the logic of capitalist markets and customers seeking to protect the lives and property. However, the legal and institutional constraints of private security is being requirements inhibited by the development. Crime prevention as a private security role that the private companies, which will pursue the public interest. After all, the expansion of the private security crime is results in an increase in unit. The current level of private security in the 1970s remain, and the constraints is being under goodwill and expertise outside of the training system on the market. Variety of crimes, including cyber crime increases and considering the reality of the constraints on private security requirements are able to improve or supplement shall be realistic. In particular, the legal, regulatory and institutional factors must be improved, with goodwill, and for the creation of new industrial policy as a complement to the public interest should be also provided. The private security law interests through integration of private security guards should be guaranteed, and the term of the theorem, sales activities, ensuring the training of professional staff with professional qualifications system is to be settled. As a private security guard industry growth and development can be based on this composition.

Implications of China's Maritime Power and BRI : Future China- ROK Strategic Cooperative Partnership Relations (중국의 해양강국 및 일대일로 구상과 미래 한·중 협력 전망)

  • Yoon, Sukjoon
    • Strategy21
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    • s.37
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    • pp.104-143
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    • 2015
  • China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

Environmental Economic Inducement Policies Affecting the Impacts of Environmental Management for Enterprises (기업의 환경경영에 영향을 미치는 환경경제 유인정책)

  • Kim Dong-Hwan
    • Proceedings of the KAIS Fall Conference
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    • 2004.06a
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    • pp.324-326
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    • 2004
  • 20세기 말까지만 해도 경제발전은 자원고갈과 자연환경파괴를 통한 대량생산 및 대량소비를 전제로 하여 이루어 졌다고 평가할 수 있다. 그 결과 세계의 자연환경은 급속히 훼손되었으며, 환경오염은 이제 인류의 생존을 위협하는 단계에 이르렀다. 이 같은 위기상황에 대처하기 위하여 지난 1980년대부터 선진국을 중심으로 환경경영에 대한 인식이 확산되기 시작하였다. 무엇보다도 자연환경 의 보존을 요구하는 사회적 압력은 기업으로 하여금 환경경영 의 필요성을 깨닫게 하였다. 환경 경영이란 기업들이 새로운 비교 우위를 창출하기 위하여 경 영 방식의 혁신에 있어서 자연환경을 초점으로 삼는 것이다. 환경경영이란 환경보전을 요구하는 이해 관계자들로부터의 요구에 기업이 이에 적극적으로 대응함으로써 한경보호와 경영성과를 동시에 달성하는 종합적인 경영을 의미한다. 환경경영은 이업의 전 활동에 걸친 전사적인 전략적 차원의 활동으로 기업경영이 어느 한 기능분야에 국한된 개념이 아니다. 궁극적으로 환경보호와 성장의 조화라는 기업의 목표달성을 위해 기업의 생산, 재무, 인사조직, 마케팅, 회계정보시스템등의 활동이 모두 통합되어야 할 것이다. (김종대, 이의훈:2003) 최근 들어 환경경영이 기업의 가치에 미치는 영향에 대한 연구가 활발히 전개되고 있는 가운데 선진국의 경우 기업의 가치가 대체적으로 정확하게 주가에 반영되고 있는 가운데 선진국의 경우 기업의 가치가 대체적으로 정확하게 주가에 반영되고 있어 우리기업들이게 시사하는 바가 크다 하겠다. 환경경영과 기업가치와의 상관관계를 조사한 연구결과에 따르면 우수한 환경경영을 실천하고 있는 기업의 주식을 중심으로 포트폴리오를 구성한 펀드의 수익율이 상대적으로 높게 나타나고 있어 환경경영의 중요성을 뒷받침하고 있다. 이를 위하여 본 논문은 우선적으로 기업의 환경경영에 기본이 되는 중요한 환경경제 유인정 책과 규제들을 중심으로 살펴보고자 하였다.학적 합성이 아주 까다로운 약제물질 등을 천연상태에서 합성하고 있기 때문이다. 또 식물은 lipoxygenase 효소계가 있어서 마치 천연물 석유제조공장과 같은 제조공정 capacity를 가지고 있다. 그러면 식물/식품 GMO는 안전한 것인가? 아니, KBS의 한 사회자가 말했듯이, 그리고 많은 소비자들이 믿는 것처럼 GMO는 위험한가? GMO에 대한 일반 사람들의 공포감은 Green Peace 당원들뿐만 아니라 일부 과학자들에 의해서도 조장되고 있다. 이러한 분위기 속에서 GMO에 의한 제2 녹색혁명은 Africa 대륙에서의 제1 녹색혁명이 지금도 지연되는 것과 같다고도 볼 수 있다. GMO의 환경에 대한 악영향은 과대 선전되어있는 것이 아닌가? 마치 GMO가 화학비료, 농약제보다 더 위험하다고 믿는 사람들도 많다. 나는 이러한 GMO 공포증이 과학적으로 그리고 "Risk Assessment"의 견지에서 볼 때 그 근거가 희박하다고 보여주는 몇 몇 실험 및 경험 사실들을 인용하려 한다. 그리고 올바른 Risk Assessment야 말로 한국의 21세기 BT 산업을 경쟁력 있게 하고 국민 년 소득 2만불 달성에 중요한 기여를 하게 될 것이라고 생각한다. 한국은 농토가 적고 천연자원이 빈약하다. GMO는 21세기의 생존 경쟁 산업이다. 제2의 녹색혁명은 얼마든지 가능하며, 한국은 부족한 농토와 빈약한 자원에도 불구하고 능력 있는 인적자원이 풍부하여 GMO 개발 연구에 국제적 경쟁력을 키울 수 있다. 그러나 GMO에 대한 논쟁만 하고 있으면 이미 때가 늦는다. 미국은 이미 GMO-BT 시장을 거의 완전 독점했으며, 타국에서의 논쟁과 불합리적으로 엄격한 GMO 관련 규정을 조장하고 환영한다.이상의 결과와 같이 인삼 saponin 성분들은 arachidonic acid로부터 cyclooxygenase를 통해 일단 생성된 endoperoxide에서 각각의 prostagland

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Defining the Role of Seosan-Daesan Port Considering New Northern Policy (신북방정책을 대비한 서산 대산항의 발전 전략)

  • Lee, Tae-Hwee;Kim, Sungkuk;Yun, Kyong Jun
    • Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.21-36
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    • 2019
  • To ensure that Korea continues to grow, past governments have been consistent in following a policy of advancing into Russia, Mongolia, and Eurasia. The northern economy can expect to achieve synergistic growth because its economic structure complements that of Korea, which has high energy demand and industrial development. There is also an opportunity to accelerate the growth of the China-Russia-Mongolia economic corridor, which is based on Russia's Look East Policy, China's One Belt One Road, and the Mongolian Steppe Road initiative. The Korean government is pursuing a New Northern Policy to achieve the goal of economic cooperation and peace building with other nations, including North Korea; this policy succeeds the Northern Policy pursued by the previous government. As international economic cooperation requires transportation infrastructure, the demand for shipping, which offers more advantages than road and rail transportation, will increase; thus, it is necessary to prepare for it. Korea's port cities, which have a port that serves as the nodal point for maritime transportation, need to prepare for the New Northern Policy. In this paper, the long-term development of Seosan-Daesan port in the was planned and the North Korea's opening-op plan was considered in accordance with the New Northern Policy. Because international cooperation between the government and the provincial cities is required, cooperation with the Port Authority is needed, along with the proactive attitude of Seosan City, Chungcheongnam-do. The Seosan-Daesan port, which is the center of the liquid energy cargo center, can become the base of the New Northern Policy Region; further, the port can be an opportunity to establish its position as a peaceful economic hub on the west coast of Korea.

Moderating Effects of Chemyon(Social Face) and Consumption Situation in the Relationship between Self-Presentation and Brand Preference (자기제시와 브랜드 선호도의 관계에서 체면민감성과 사용상황의 조절효과)

  • Jeong, Bora;Kim, Mi-Jeong;Yoon, Ji-Hyun;Lee, Ju-Hwa;Han, Ji-Su;Lee, Seongsoo
    • Journal of Advanced Technology Convergence
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.15-24
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    • 2022
  • This paper tried to investigate the moderating effect of chemyon sensitivity and usage situation in the relationship between self-presentation and brand preference. Data were collected from students of universities located in Chungnam. The analysis results can be summarized as follows. First of all, the effect of self-presentation on symbolic brand preference was not significant in both public and private use situations. On the other hand, the effect of self-presentation on functional brand preference was found to be significant in both situations. Second, the main effect of chemyon sensitivity was significant only when it had a negative effect on functional brand preference in public situations, but was not significant in other cases. Third, looking at the interaction effect of self-presentation and chemyon sensitivity, the brand preference did not show significant changes in those with relatively low chemyon sensitivity, regardless of the level of self-presentation, whether in public or private situations. This study is meaningful in that it reveals that chemyon sensitivity affects brand preference through interaction with self-presentation, whether the consumption situation is public or private.

Effects of the Russia's Ukraine Invasion on the Korea National Security (러시아의 우크라이나침공이 한국안보에 미치는 영향)

  • Jong Wha Lim
    • Industry Promotion Research
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    • v.8 no.3
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    • pp.175-180
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    • 2023
  • On the day of 24 February 2022, Ukraine was invaded by Russia which signed to ensure definitely the Ukraine's national sovereignty, territorial integrity and security under the UN General Assembly Security Council A/49/765, named as the Budapest Agreement. This invasion is the 2nd invasion succeeded in Crimean Peninsula invasion of March 2014 after the Ukraine's national independence in 1991 from the USSR. However this invasion has been continuing for much more than one year. Although Ukraine President appealed the 'peace' toward Russia and claimed also to justify the Budapest Agreement of 1994 toward U.S.A., even any justifications were not appealed. The critical moment of the national abolition could be escaped from the unified desperate spirit of all nations including the president, political-social leaders and military members. Such patriotic and self-help spirits in Ukraine resulted in the active supports from the U.S.A., western and eastern free democratic countries, NATO and EU, and even the neutral countries. Furthermore these supports are increasing much more day-after-day. The lessons which the Ukraine War offers to the Korean national security should be cored with the development of self-reliant national defense capabilities, self-strenuous efforts and unity strengthening of the Korean-U.S. Alliance with the deep confidence.

A Comparative Study on the origin and development of Welfare State in Korea and France (한국과 프랑스 제 3공화국의 사회정책과 국가)

  • Na, Byong Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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    • v.44 no.3
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    • pp.371-393
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    • 2013
  • The objective of this article is to compare the characteristics and the origin of Welfare State in Korea and France. This study also finds out the causes of underdevelopment of Welfare State in Korea. In the third Republic of France, the first Industrial Accident Compensation Law was legislated in 1898. The discussion of the project of Law commenced in 1880. The Parliamentary Debate on the legislation of the Law had continued for 18 years. The leaders of the debate was the group of progressive Republicans(Radicals) in the French Parliament. In Korea, it was also in the period of the third Repulic, the President and several members of the Supreme Committee of National Reconstruction (Guk-Ga-Jai-Gun-Choi-Go-Ho-Eui), the authoritative military government who enacted and developed the Social Insurance Law of Industrial Accident Compensation, the first Law of Welfare State in Korea. However, Korea and France show more differences than similarities in the terms of the origin of the Welfare State. The motivations and goals of social policies of the two countries were quite different at the beginning stage. In France, the progressive Republicans of Parliament made welfare state policies in order to maintain the politico-social hegemony and social peace by provision of economic supports to workers. In Korea, the group of military officers had begun the welfare legislation in order to win the general election and obtain political power in 1963. Comparison on the origins of the welfare states in the two countries shows similarities as well as differences in terms of the role of actors. In France, the state and the owners of big enterprises had agreed and played positive roles in the legislation of the welfare state policies. However, the owners of small companies, merchants and farmers had played negative roles. Like the French case, Korean government and owners of big enterprises had played positive roles. The state as a major actor of the legislation of the social insurance programs in the two countries are slightly different. In Korea, the owners of small companies had played negative roles in making of medical insurance programs in 1976. Comparison of the current state of two welfare states shows substantial differences in terms of the development of the welfare state. What is the reason for such differences? Why does Korean Welfare State underdevelop? Historically, the developmentalism as an major ideology of the third Republic of Korea has continually influenced the underdevelopment of the Welfare State. It implies that Koreans have to invent a new ideology of Welfare State which can replace the developmentalism and support the development of Welfare State in the future. Without such a new ideology, it is very difficult to develop an european style welfare state in Korea.