• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.56-77
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• 2019

Bi-Seok is a treasure trove of funeral rites and an important cultural asset that can shed light on the historical and social history of calligraphy, but research of the topic is still insignificant. In particular, research on the production method of Bi-Seok remains an unproven field. The production of Bi-Seok can be roughly divided into ma-jeong (refining stone), sculpture, and the Buk-chil (process of engraving letters) process. This article reveals some facts: First, performing ma-jeong to the Sang-Seok, Honyu-Seok, Bi-seok, which are known to be God's things. This process is needed because of the change in the perception of the Honyu-Seok due to the settlement and propagation of Confucian ceremonial rituals in the times of hardship in 1592 and 1636. As the crafting process of ma-jeong did not remain concrete, it was only possible to examine the manufacturing process of Bi-Seok through its materials and tools. Second, the rapid proliferation of Oh-Seok and Sa-jeo-chwi-yong (purchase of things made by private citizens) in the Yeongjo era has great importance in social and cultural history. When the Gang-Hwa-Seok of the commodity were exhausted, the Oh-Seok that was used by Sadebu (upper civil class) were used in the tomb of Jangneung, which made Oh-Seok popular among people. In particular, the use of Oh-Seok and the Ma-Jeong process could minimize chemical and physical damage. Third, the writing method of the Bi-seok is Buk-chil. After Buk-Chil of Song Si-Yeol was used on King Hyojong's tomb, the Buk-Chil process ( printing the letters on the back of the stone and rubbing them to make letters) became the most popular method in Korea and among other East Asian countries, and the fact that it was institutionalized to this scale was quite impressive. Buk-Chil became more sophisticated by using red ink rather than black ink due to the black color that results from Oh-Seok. Fourth, the writing method changes in the late Joseon Dynasty. Until the time of Yeongjo's regime, when inscribing, the depth of the angle was based on the thickness of the stroke, thus representing the shade. This technique, of course, did not occur at every Pyo-Seok or Shindobi, but was maintained by outstanding artisans belonging to government agencies. Therefore, in order to manufacture Bi-Seok, Suk-seok, YeonJeong, Ma-jeong, Jeong-Gan, ChodoSeoIp, Jung-Cho, Ip-gak, Gyo-Jeong, and Jang-Hwang, a process was needed to make one final product. Although all of these methods serve the same purpose of paying respects and propagandizing the great work of deceased persons, through this analysis, it was possible to see the whole process of Pyo-Seok based upon the division of techniques and the collaboration of the craftsmen.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2014

Sambok (三伏, Three Hottest Days) is the common designation of Chobok (初伏, Early Hot Day), Jungbok (中伏, Middle Hot Day), and Malbok (末伏, Late Hot Day), and widely known to be one of the Korean folk customs. Hence, Sambok is notated in Manseryeok (Ten Thousand-Year Almanac) and in the annual astronomical almanac published by Korea Astronomy and Space Science Institute. In this paper, we investigate the changes of Sambok in Korea based on various documents such as Joseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik (增補作曆式, The Supplement of Manual for Calendar Making), astronomical almanacs, and so forth. According to Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik preserved in Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies, Chobok and Jungbok are defined as the third and fourth Gyeongil (庚日, The Day Starting with the Seventh Heavenly Stems in Sexagenary Cycles Assigned to Each Day) after the summer solstice, respectively, and Malbok is the first Gyeongil after Ipchu (Enthronement of Autumn). However, if the summer solstice is Gyeongil, then the third Gyeongil counting from the solstice becomes Chobok. Malbok depends on the time of Ipchu. Ipchu itself becomes Malbok if the time of Ipchu is in the morning, or next Gyeongil becomes Malbok if it is the afternoon. On the other hand, Malbok is defined as Ipchu itself regardless of its time according to Chiljeongbobeob (七政步法, Calculating Method for Sun, Moon, and Five Planets), Chubocheobryeo (推步捷例, Quick Examples for Calendrical Calculations), and so on. To verify the methods used to determine Sambok, we examined the record in the extant almanacs during the period of 1392 to 2100 for which the summer solstice or Ipchu is Gyeongil. As a result, we found a periodicity that if the time of Ipchu is in the morning, in general, the time is in the afternoon after two years and then is back into in the morning after nineteen years, i.e., the 2 + 19 years periodicity. However, we found the 2 + 17 years periodicity in some years. We also found that the Chobok method of Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik has been used since 1712, the thirty-eighth reign of King Sukjong (肅宗). In addition, we supposed that Malbok had been determined by the method like Chubocheobryeo since either 1846, the twelfth reign of King Heonjong (憲宗), or 1867, the fourth reign of King Gojong (高宗). At present, these methods of Sambok are customarily used without any legal basis. We, therefore, think that this study will help conventionalize the method defining Sambok in the future.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.17-26
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• 2020

The planning acumen led by the crown prince stands out during the banquets that were held continually during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung around the late Joseon period from 1827 to 1929. If we examine the changes in banquet space during the period that Crown Prince Hyomyung ruled by proxy, the Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿) in Changgyeonggung Palace, which was built during the time of King Jeongjo was repaired after the in 1827 during the reign of the crown prince and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. It is believed that the Jagyeongjeonwas expanded and repaired during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung to conduct banquets for important guests. Jagyeongjeon which was repaired during the crown prince's reign, is a space where banquets were continuously held during the three years that he reigned, and we can see that it is an important space for royalty where the authority of King Sunjo, Queen Sunwon, and Crown Prince Hyomyung was reflected. Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂) was a structure built in 1828, which is after the period when the Jagyeongjeonwas changed in 1827, and it is a space that emerged during the reign of the crown prince. Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭), which was constructed during the time of King Seongjong was changed after 1827 during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. Hwanchwijeongwas the place where the Crown Prince Hyomyung stayed and planned banquets and it was repaired along with Jagyeongjeonin 1827. During his reign, the political intent of the crown prince was reflected not in superficial political spaces but in spaces where banquets were held and accordingly the main spaces for banquets and their related royal palace locations were changed or newly established. You need to briefly explain what this and Muja Jinjak are. New information is not provided in this paragraph. You have already established why the crown prince renovated the banquets and its significance in the first two paragraphs. You could just add "Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿), Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂), and Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭) in Changgyeonggung Palace during his reign were changed and renovated during the time when the royal banquets of the 19th century were getting established. It was spaces that reflected the royal family and royal authority" to the end of the second paragraph and it would convey your intended meaning.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.26
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• pp.45-75
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• 2016

The aim of this study is to explain characteristics of Maitreya and Maitreya belief from a point of view that 'Jeungsan is the very Maitreya(甑山卽彌勒)'. In 『Jeon-gyeong』, Maitreya is mentioned several times. Thus, new religions of Jeungsan of Daesoonjinrihoe take 'Jeungsan is the very Maitreya' belief for truth. Due to the fact that characteristics of Maitreya are so multi-layered and complicated, it is necessary to explain clearly what kind of feature Maitreya has in 『Jeon-gyeong』. If believing and following 'Jeungsan is the very Maitreya' without clarifying it, they will be faced with a problem that they regard Jeungsan of Supreme being of the Ninth Heaven as one of Maitreya and take its belief for truth. Furthermore, with respect to the characteristics of 'Jeungsan is the very Maitreya' belief, while believing in Mireukasaeng, longed-for Millenarian movement by people through Messianism and Mireukasaeng belief is found in Daesoon Thought, whereas there is a need how to understand the point that we cannot finped Messianism and Millenarian movement in Daesoon Thought. To solve this problem, I draw a conclusion that 'Jeungsan is the very Maitreya' in 『Jeon-gyeong』 has to be understood with two meanings by four demonstrations. First of all, the people perceived late Joseon dynasty as the age of decadence but Maitreya's divinity which is desired by the people is not divinity of Maitreya Sutra(Mileuggyeong). Maitreya's divinity is reflected in the people's cherished desire and it is newly created as the Messiah. Thus, the idea of Jeungsan being the very Maitreya was developed in a way that the people desired the Messiah, encompassing this inclination. That is the Messiah of the people and the divinity of Jeungsan. Although Jeungsan as Supreme being of the Ninth Heaven satisfied the people's desire, it shows a different way to salvation from the way in Maitreya Sutra(Mileuggyeong). It is 'the Great Reordering of the Universe' and 'the Great Reordering of the Three Realms'. Reordering in Jeungsan shows that divinity of Jeungsan is not limited to the people's Messiah. In other words, divinity of Jeungsan is established as The Messiah, surpassing divinity of Maitreya Sutra(Mileuggyeong). And following statements prove this divinity of Jeungsan. Jeungsan's emphasis is not only the people's desire and the Gods' appeal. Jeungsan's emphasis is that only does Supreme being of the Ninth Heaven correct heaven and earth, which is the Gods' appeal. Therefore, 'Jeungsan is the very Maitreya' belief embraces the people's Messianism and at the same time it runs with he Gods' appeal. Thus, Reordering through the Great Reordering of the Universe and the Great Reordering of the Three Realms builds up a new ideal world.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.52-77
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• 2016

A spirit tablet of king Guan Yu is enshrined in Donggwanwangmyo shrine[East Shrine of King Guan Yu], which houses 51 hanging boards. The hanging boards were written by the kings of Joseon Dynasty and envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Most studies on hanging boards have been focused on the collections of the palaces but not on those in Donggwanwangmyo shrine. In this regard, this study researches the hanging boards of the kings' writings in the late Joseon period and analyzes their forms and contents. In terms of contents, it examines who made the boards, when they made them, and what brought them to make them, etc. This study analyzes the forms of hanging boards by types, used materials, and periodic transition of forms. The findings are as follows. First, Donggwanwangmyo shrine houses 7 pieces of hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwriting: one piece of King Sukjong, 4 pieces of King Yeongjo, and 2 pieces of Emperor Gojong. They are divided into two types: one is the name of the buildings and the other is the poems that the kings wrote regarding what they felt when they visited the shrine. Especially, the latter were written by the kings who visited the shrine in spring and autumn. The kings intended to promote peace of royal family through a sense of royalty and fidelity of King Guan Yu. Second, the hanging boards of the kings are differentiated from those of the envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in materials and forms. The background of the board is colored by blue, deep red lacquer color, and black lacquer color, which are more expensive than black color or white color. The hanging boards are embossed with the kings' handwritings and then colored with gold. The frame-style four-side hanging board is held at a 45-degree angle and painted with floral patterns and seven-treasure patterns in Dancheong technique. The left and right sides and the top and bottom sides of the board are decorated with Dang-cho pattern(Korean arabesque pattern). This style is called "quadrilateral"and considered the most classy and top-class among the other three ones. In conclusion, this study confirms the status of Donggwanwangmyo shrine with hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwritings as a political space where kings had interest and demanded their soldiers' royalty and fidelity. Research into the boards inscribed with the handwritings of envoys of the Ming Dynasty and generals of the Qing Dynasty, and the comparison of the styles and periodic transition of forms will be reserved for another study.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.79-95
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• 2021

This study aims to develop a restoration model of an armillary sphere of Tongcheon-ui (Pan-celestial Armillary Sphere) by referring to the records of Damheonseo (Hong Dae-Yong Anthology) and the artifact of an armillary sphere in the Korean Christian Museum of Soongsil University. Between 1760 and 1762, Hong, Dae-Yong (1731-1783) built Tongcheon-ui, with Na, Kyung-Jeok (1690-1762) designing the basic structure and Ann, Cheo-In (1710-1787) completing the assembly. The model in this study is a spherical body with a diameter of 510 mm. Tongcheon-ui operates the armillary sphere by transmitting the rotational power from the lantern clock. The armillary sphere is constructed in the fashion of a two-layer sphere: the outer one is Yukhab-ui that is fixed; and the inner one, Samsin-ui, is rotated around the polar axis. In the equatorial ring possessed by Samsin-ui, an ecliptic ring and a lunar-path ring are successively fixed and are tilted by 23.5° and 28.5° over the equatorial ring, respectively. A solar miniature attached to a 365-toothed inner gear on the ecliptic ring reproduces the annual motion of the Sun. A lunar miniature installed on a 114-toothed inner gear of the lunar-path ring can also replay the moon's orbital motion and phase change. By the set of 'a ratchet gear, a shaft and a spur gear' installed in the solstice-colure double-ring, the inner gears in the ecliptic ring and lunar-path ring can be rotated in the opposite direction to the rotation of Samsin-ui and then the solar and lunar miniatures can simulate their revolution over the period of a year and a month, respectively. In order to indicate the change of the moon phases, 27 pins were arranged in a uniform circle around the lunar-path ring, and the 29-toothed wheel is fixed under the solar miniature. At the center of the armillary sphere, an earth plate representing a world map is fixed horizontally. Tongcheon-ui is the armillary sphere clock developed by Confucian scholars in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the technical level at which astronomical clocks could be produced at the time is of a high standard.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.57
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• pp.197-228
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• 2019

This study was conducted under the judgement that there was a need to make several mentions by reference to studies about the spatial composition of the traditional village. The judgement was not about the dimension that there was a problem about the spatial composition of the existing village but that it would be effective to make a fresh reorganization of it in a little more detail. As a result, this study presented seven spaces in the spatial composition of the traditional village. It attempted to analyze it by dividing it into four spaces such as ① natural space, ② residential space and work space, ③ moving space and boundary space and ④ play space and ritual space to fit its basic nature. First of all, it made a pictorial presentation of the basic form of the spatial composition of the traditional farming village in the late Joseon Dynasty which was most general and whose form has been handed down up to the present. And it described the composition of each space accordingly. It was not intended for a specific village. So it presented the historical change, the behavior of the members surrounding the village and a difference according to the nature of the village, which were judged to be very important in explaining the items of the composition of each space. As a result, it was found that the spatial composition of the traditiona Korean village well embodied the framework of their life in terms of their view of nature, lifestyle and worldview. The view of nature acted on the spatial composition of the village as a whole and is well reflected in the natural space in particular. Their lifestyle is reflected in the residential space, farming space, moving space and play space, and their worldview is spcifically mirrored in the boundary space and ritual space. In particular, this study focused on how to take a look at the element of Feng-Shui in discussing the spatial composition of the village.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.63
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• pp.195-219
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• 2016

This study aims to examine what Sword martial arts was enforced to military in Hullyeon dogam, Geumweyeong, and Eoyeong-cheong through Siye in chapter gunjeong of Mangiyoram.. The conclusions are as in the following. First, the typical type of siye performed to military were jungsun and gwanmujae. magun and bogun were performed separately with chosi as their center and the basic forms of test have wongi and byeolgi in common. Second, there was a special restriction of application in jungsun. applicants in waegeomgyojeonsu must not apply yedo and hyeopdo in duplicate and applicants in yedo and hyeopdo must not do in the same manner. this was a considerate system to the military because they could be a professional through a systematic training of only one kind of Sword martial arts. Third, one of the special features in gwanmujae was bogun byeolgi. waegeomgyojeon, yedo, hyeopdo, eonwoldo, jedokgeom, bongukgeom, deungpae were designated and performed. 7gi except Sword martial arts in muyedobotongji. Sword martial arts was actually supplied and very helpful to the military. Forth, Siye made the military practice skills and improve martial art ability of their own free will and it was a great reward system to an excellent military at the same time. through this study we can understand the concrete meaning of Sword martial arts at the central military camp in late Joseon dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.1-10
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• 2023

This study aims to explore the significance of historic changes and cultural characteristics of landscape architecture in Korean Seowon. Seowon refers to educational private institutes that also served as Confucian shrines and were prevalent during the mid-to-late Joseon dynasty. Seowon comprised three distinct functional spaces: a shrine, a school, and a garden. The concept of Seowon's garden extended beyond designed landscapes to include the surrounding natural environment. The importance of landscape architecture in Seowon is rooted in its connection to the educational philosophy of these institutes. During the Joseon dynasty, scholars revered nature as a manifestation of Confucian ideals, and they believed that close engagement with nature was integral to self-discipline and learning. This research investigated fifteen relatively well-preserved garden in South Korea and conducted a comprehensive analysis of their gardens. The analysis revealed two key findings. Firstly, gardens in Seowon were actively designed and constructed during the early phase of Seowon culture but gradually diminished after the 17th century. This can be attributed to the shift in Seowon's purpose, with a greater emphasis on its religious function over education. Consequently, the significance and presence of landscape architecture in Seowon, which was closely related with its Confucianist education, declined. Secondly, the study explored the historical backgrounds of each Seowon's landscape architecture and found that many of them were designed or influenced by individuals who were later memorialized and deified in the Seowon's shrines. The landscape architecture created by these predecessors was carefully preserved by the faculties and students as a form of respect. Therefore, landscape architecture in Korean Seowon not only conveys the institutional purpose as an educational hub for the local society but also reflects the institute's strong relationship with the figures they worship as shrines.