• Journal of Ethics
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• no.82
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• pp.53-72
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• 2011

The North Korea have supported their own political ideological education system to maintain their basic framework of society. The north korean political education contents become from now on it be done harder. That answer is up to the government of the North Korea, and the general public in North Korea would be going after it. However, when we review this closely, both positions of the North Korean government and the general public would be different each other as before. I would figure out whether the political ideological education system in North Korea would be going on with making realistic changes or just maintaining their old system. The political and ideological education might make settled flexibility. On the other hand, we can expect that it could be reinforced by the North Korean government. For this content, this research is going to try to understand the characteristics of North Korea's ideological education policy considering both position of the North Korean government and the general public thoroughly.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.103-137
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• 2018

Harold Pinter's One for the Road(1984) is a play about violence. Nicholas, who appears to be the manager of a place, interrogates Victor, Nicky, and Victor's wife Gila in a room for one day from morning to night. There is no direct physical violence in this play. But hints about the atrocities that took place outside the stage make the audience guess the violence and cruelty. Violence, which is not seen as such, is the central theme of the play. One for the road is worth reading as a resistance to breaking the mirror of global ideology, not as it deals with violent events confined to Turkey. The problem which Pinter had in mind, in particular, is that the United States plays a leading role in producing world-class ideologies, and that Britain is involved in collusion with the United States in cultivating such ideological fantasies, both abroad and at home. This thesis analyzes the contrasting reactions of each character in the play based on this social context. In particular, the conflicting reactions of the characters on the system are the most important conflict in the drama. Nicolas is a manager who moves on the system without seeing the truth. Victor and his family, on the other hand, do not move within the same ideology as Nicholas. This paper will take a look at what their strategies of resistance is and how they are revealed in the work. In fact, Nicholas appears split. Nicholas seemingly reacted decisively to the interpellation of the system. He expresses his belief and respect for the legitimacy of his actions. However, he has repeatedly sought the respect and love of Victor. Nicholas is now swaying. The theme that Nicholas presents consciously by grabbing at his own sway is 'Patriotism.' But this fantasy splits through Victor's silence and death demands. Therefore, the questions to be answered are: So why does Nicolas appear to be torn apart in a system that directs violence? But why is he forced to assimilate into the system? What other figures imply? To answer these questions, this thesis will take Slavoj Zizek's view of ideology. On the other hand, there are previous studies that read the system of violence in One for the road from the Althusser's perspective. Surely, this play explores the role of Ideological State Apparatus. However, from the point of view of Althusser, it is not possible to read Nicholas's division and the point of resistance seen by Victor's family. Pinter does not limit the scope of the ideological system as a closed one that regenerates ideologies, but secures the domain of main body resistance and struggle. On the other hand, there are already several domestic theses that read Pinter's work in Zizek's perspective. But these theses are mainly focused on analysis of Mountain Language. What this thesis would suggest is that there is a potential for an ethical figure of Zizek to be considered in One for the Road.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.73-94
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• 2021

This study aimed to analyze the minutes of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, one of the standing committees of the Korean National Assembly, by applying the WORDFISH algorithm of automated text analysis to estimate the pattern of changes in the ideological orientation of the members of Korea's political elite. The results of the analysis showed that the Legislation and Judiciary Committee generally undergoes changes in ideological orientation around the time of a major administrative change, especially during the period preceding a change up to the time of its implementation. Compared with the United States, where changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite occur simultaneously based on parties, changes in that of the political elite at the Korean National Assembly tend to occur in response to a certain transitional point in time or a change in the ruling government. What is especially noteworthy in terms of the ideological orientation reflected in the minutes of the Legislative Judiciary Committee is that the microscopic effect tends to disappear when the macroscopic effect occurs and, conversely, that the microscopic effect emerges once the macroscopic effect has disappeared. In other words, changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite appear to indicate the effect of a particular legislator's individual characteristics when no effect is observed during a given term or year of the National Assembly, whereas they revealed the effect of a given time itself when no effects related with the individual characteristics of a legislator are discerned.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.5-16
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• 2000

This study compared the meaning of words in the play songs of the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea(DPRK). Sixteen children who had escaped from North Korea participated in this survey in Seoul by responding to a questionnaire. In the DPRK, children sing formal songs, used as instruments of ideological socialization. Among the songs were 4 composed prior to the creation of the DPRK in 1945. The other songs were composed after 1945 and exhibited ideological characteristics. Despite differences in sources, themes, and ideologies of play songs, some of them contained common themes, materials, rhythms, and typical Korean emotional structure. Considering the power of play songs in spreading cultural influence, they might be the key to resolving psychological conflicts of both Koreas after unification.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.106-113
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• 2012

This study intend to research color preferences about innerwear(specially brassiere) and draw a comparison of color preference's differences among the Korea, China and Hong Kong. The subjects of study are female students of universities in Korea, China and Hong Kong. The data analysis was done with the statistical treatment in SPSS 14.0, and the results are as follows. Female students of universities in Korea, China and Hong Kong are distinguished from wearing color and preference color of innerwear. Korea and China female students prefer skin color to the other color but most of Hong Kong female students prefer black color. In case of red color, Korea female students don't select a red color as a preference color but even if some students select a red color, China and Hong Kong females prefer a red color. The traditional color opinions of Korea, China and Hong Kong are the same as a Yin-Yang School. But these days they have different color opinions because of cultural, political and ideological elements. Korea females like skin and white colors because these colors don't appear on the outwear surface. Korean have an inclination toward conservatism and use the color according to ideological and deceptive orders of the Confucianism. Hong Kong have a different color preference from China because they have chances of receiving the other cultures for example United Kingdom, Japan and so on.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.130-151
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• 2018

China's cultural diplomacy is mostly understood as an endeavour to build and project soft power, which draws on three sources of 'culture, political values and foreign policy' according to Nye. This paper focuses on the debates about the vehicle and agents of China's cultural diplomacy. It starts with a theoretical discussion of the competing views in the Chinese context, and develops an argument that the vehicle of China's cultural diplomacy tries to project soft power on two wheels of culture and political values, to serve the purpose of reshaping China's image away from being the 'cultural other' and 'ideological other' respectively. However, the state-led approach to driving this vehicle is generating some side effects with its sponsorship, censorship and presence in the driver's seat. Then the paper analyses the inherent tensions existing in practice both between the two sources of building soft power and between the two means of doing so, attraction and persuasion, with empirical evidence through a comparative case study of the Confucius Institutes in the US and South Korea. The finding shows that China's attempt at reshaping its image as an Eastern cultural contestant is often disrupted by its authoritarian political values, and the state-led persuasion is often reducing China's cultural attraction. Following this, the paper finishes with some recommendations regarding evolving the cultural diplomacy approach from a vertical one that is government-centred to a horizontal one that is network-based with multiple agents, and localising its practice by engaging the target audiences as stakeholders.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.147-177
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• 2017

Although a number of empirical studies found that political ideology plays a significant role in Korean elections, they entirely rely on cross-sectional data analysis. In contrast to previous research, this study investigates the effects of ideology in the 2012 Korean presidential election through standard panel data analysis. Specifically, using "EAI Panel Study, 2012", the effects of ideology on both candidate evaluation and vote choice were examined via fixed effects, random effects, and pooled regression analysis. And the results from applying the two most popular models of ideological voting, the proximity model and the directional change model were also compared. The results show that candidate evaluations and vote choice during the election (April, 2012- December, 2012) were significantly influenced by the ideological difference between voters and candidates, independent from partisanship and other standard socio-demographic factors. And this ideological voting during the election seems better captured by the directional change model than by the proximity model.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.297-323
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• 2010

The distinguished feature of the economic relationship between China and Africa during the cold war is the one that there was economic point of view at all even though such a huge trade between the two countries. It was caused by purely ideological and political purpose of China. because of the giant stream of time which is called as 'the cold war', it has been replaced with other conceptions: 'aid' or 'support.' Since the end of the cold war, however, the relationship between China and Africa has been showing noticeable features; political and ideological purposes are getting less meaningful or excluded completely. In 1990, China was based on the pragmatism, which is a rigorous sense of economy, and Africa was getting popular as an emerging market, which is not only performing as a stable energy supplier but also making trade and direct investment is possible. Also, it has implications for Korea that seriously considers putting more efforts into expanding its influence on all over the trade relations which includes investment and import-export in the emerging market: Africa.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.565-588
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• 2012

This paper aims at reconsidering 'suture,' a key concept in early Lacanian film criticism, with a view to narrowing a supposed gap between early Lacanian and later Lacanian film criticism. Early Lacanian film theorists, among whom Jean-Pierre Oudart, Jean-Louis Baudry, Laura Mulvey and Daniel Dayan, to name a few, are prominent, focus on cinematic signifying system as well as its ideological effects on shaping subjectivity of the audience. Initiated by Jacques-Alain Miller's article on suture as the logic of signifier and grafted into film as the logic of the cinematic by Oudart's writing, the concept of suture was established as a key word in early Lacanian film criticism. In their taxonomy, suture refers to the processes by which the audience are stitched into the story-world of a film. The audience are drawn into the film and take up positions as subjects-within-the-film such that they make sense of and respond to what the film represents as they are encouraged to do so by the film itself. On the other hand, later Lacanian film critics, who are much influenced by Lacan's later emphasis on the Real, focus on concepts such as gaze, petit objet a, fantasy, rather than suture. They are more concerned with the failure of suture and the disruption of the Symbolic than the ideological effects of suture and the consolidation of the Symbolic. They require a break from the previous approach of Lacanian film theory which centers around the Imaginary and the Symbolic. However, early Lacanian and later Lacanian film theory do not manifest as much disparity as they are supposed to do, for both are against the ideological manipulation of suture. Slavoj Žižek, a leading scholar of later Lacanian psychoanalysis, revives the concept of suture as a patch of the Symbolic which covers the gap, if not always successful.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.155-174
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to compare the kinds of plays and the meanings of words in play songs among children of Han heritage. A total of three data sets were used. Data for two of the data sets were obtained from only South Korean children in 1990 and 2005, respectively, while the other data set contained responses from South Korean, Chinese Korean, and North Korean children collected in 1999. The three societies of Han heritage differed in the level of economic and industrial development and ideological orientation, and each society tended to socialize and educate their children in different ways. The kind of plays and the lyrics of the play songs were different in each stage by the level of economic and industrial development, and ideological orientation. In each society, a dominant play changed periodically. For instance, physical play decreased while television, video, and internet game plays increased. The increase in internet game play was related to the level of industrial development. Although three groups shared some common play songs prior to 1945, they have developed their own play songs after 1945 according to their respective social ideological characteristics. Notwithstanding these differences in play songs, common themes, materials, rhythms, and the Korean emotionality exist across all groups.