• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.251-273
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• 2013

This paper deals with mind and human nature dispute between Si-Ma guang and Han-Yu in the Northern Sung Dynasty, focused upon the "zhong-hua". The letter exchange between Si-Ma guang and Han-yu, which were the mind and human nature debate between a representative intellectually of the Confucianism and a scholar who absorbed in the Buddhism, can provide the discussion on various ideological origins that affected the development of the mind and human nature theory. Moreover, the contents of a letter from both of them can be used as an important cue to observe the discussion under what ideological foundations the mind and human nature theory could be embodied in the future and what advance it has made and what is its philosophical meaning.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.76-82
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• 2021

An anthological analysis of known literature and historical sources is carried out in the work. It was found that the development of foreign language training of future professionals was influenced by a number of factors: socio-economic (focus on the needs of the labor market, integration into the international space, scientific and technological progress); educational (updating legal documents in the field of education, standardization of educational content, development of methods of professional development of a specialist). The historical period is analyzed and the following stages are determined: ideological (realization of ideological imperative in language and professional training of future specialists; educational-methodical (preparation according to unified curricula, reading and translation as a leading type of speech activity); integration (integration of foreign language teaching and multicultural education)), methodological (use of traditional verbal methods, standardized textbooks). Thus, the research conducted in the article indicates the periods (stages) of formation, functioning and development of foreign language education.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.5
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• pp.881-901
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• 2012

Since 2006, heated debates have taken place on both sides of the Pacific over the historical accuracy of Yoko Kawashima Watkins's So Far from the Bamboo Grove, the "historical novel" that depicts the author's painful escape from the just-liberated Korean peninsula to Japan. This study re-visits the controversies that fired up not only the whole Korean society but also not a few Americans and the American press. However, unlike most previous Korean studies on this novel, this study mostly focuses on both the responses of Korean feminists and those of Americans and the American press to the issue. This paper argues that the Korean feminists, who criticized their male compatriots for their feverish reaction, have the same problem as their compatriots, that is, the problem of seeing through a binary perspective that drowns or blurs individual differences. A similar framework is found operating in the Boston Globe's articles on the same issue. This study proceeds to discuss the pitfalls of liberalism underlying the American parents' and the American civil organizations' defence of Watkins and analyzes their poor historical awareness. The conclusion of this study is that So Far from the Bamboo Grove, dictated by an ideological prolepsis, erroneously inscribes the Cold War in the geographical space of the pre-Cold-War Korean peninsula and, as a result, symptomatically participates in the United States' anti-Communist world view.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.304-326
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• 2023

News shows often deliver crosscutting information to their audiences by inviting commentators from rival political parties. If these news shows foster the formation of informed and balanced views of the audience, mass media could provide countermeasures against political polarization. To test the effect of such news shows, this study conducted an experiment with two variants of a simulated radio talk show. In the partisan scenario, the two guest commentators' affiliations suggested their ideological orientation. In the non-partisan scenario, the commentators had neutral affiliations. We divided participants into two ideology groups, liberals and conservative, and compared each group's evaluation of the commentators in the two scenarios. Two multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) tests were conducted to analyze the effect of the perceived ideology of the commentators on respondents' attitudes toward the commentators' arguments depending on their own ideological inclinations. The analyses results did not support the hypothesis that anticipated partisan attitudes towards the commentators' arguments. It was only the liberal respondents who showed statistically significant different attitudes toward commentators' arguments in each of the two scenarios. The findings suggest that such broadcast shows do not automatically trigger partisan message processing and may help the audience to develop informed and balanced opinions. While the current study failed to find conclusive evidence to support the hypotheses, it also found that the perceived ideology of the information source may trigger partisan attitudes for certain types of issues. Future studies with different experiment designs are needed to investigate the issue further.

• Korean Journal of Artificial Intelligence
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.9-16
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• 2024

In this study, we delve into the effects of personalization algorithms on the creation of "filter bubbles," which can isolate individuals intellectually by reinforcing their pre-existing biases, particularly through personalized Google searches. By setting up accounts with distinct ideological learnings-progressive and conservative-and employing deep neural networks to simulate user interactions, we quantitatively confirmed the existence of filter bubbles. Our investigation extends to the deployment of an LSTM model designed to assess political orientation in text, enabling us to bias accounts deliberately and monitor their increasing ideological inclinations. We observed politically biased search results appearing over time in searches through biased accounts. Additionally, the political bias of the accounts continued to increase. These results provide numerical evidence for the existence of filter bubbles and demonstrate that these bubbles exert a greater influence on search results over time. Moreover, we explored potential solutions to mitigate the influence of filter bubbles, proposing methods to promote a more diverse and inclusive information ecosystem. Our findings underscore the significance of filter bubbles in shaping users' access to information and highlight the urgency of addressing this issue to prevent further political polarization and media habit entrenchment. Through this research, we contribute to a broader understanding of the challenges posed by personalized digital environments and offer insights into strategies that can help alleviate the risks of intellectual isolation caused by filter bubbles.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.180-191
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• 2016

This study utilized a semantic network analysis for Korean major newspaper articles concerning 'Bernie Sanders'. 'Bernie Sanders' promotes conservative values of 'Americana' as well as the progressive values of 'relieving inequality', and thus, perhaps he is a subject on which ideological differences between the press can be distinctively manifest. Upon comparison of the priority of frequency between the conservative press and progressive press, the conservative press frequently used the expressions, 'socialist' and 'black man', whereas the progressive press frequently used the expressions, 'inequality' and 'problem'. Both the conservative press and progressive press displayed particularly different semantic compositions with the term, 'Korea'. The progressive press aimed to express the criticism of social problems and established politics identified by Sanders in relation to the 'Korean' society, whereas the conservative press criticized the blunt expressions stating that a specifically named politician resembles Sanders, and the specific party and term of 'Korea'. A completely different disposition of reports from different perspectives and context was ascertained, regardless of the use of the same terms. Thus, it is demonstrated that the semantic composition of the press on a specific issue displays significant differences according to their ideological disposition.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.5-28
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• 2011

This research examines the recent increasingly intensified non-reporting phenomenon by the press in South Korea and its legitimacy and validity. Non-reporting denotes cases in which the press does not report on significant issues in society. Although journalism scholars have raised this question, it remains unaddressed through case studies and formal criticism. This research compares the reporting and non-reporting by major media groups of cases related to the surveillance of civilians by the National Intelligence Service and the Defense Security Command under the Ministry of National Defense. This research specifies that the non-reporting phenomenon relates not to the ability to report, but to willingness to report, due to intervention by political factionalism of media groups. The non-reporting phenomenon results from the press ignoring their basic responsibility stemming from journalistic ethics and their social responsibility to fulfill their readers' right to know. Accordingly, this research revealed that the non-reporting phenomenon cannot be justified through diverse theoretical discussions and the journalistic code of ethics. Through the logical framework of public opinions and diverse empirical data to support it, this research demonstrates that the non-reporting phenomenon produces not unhelpful, but harmful effects to resolutions to ideological dissent in South Korean society.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.102-114
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• 2009

Urban discourse can be used to create a better living environment through open thinking, understanding and discussion. It raises both physical and social issues surrounding the urban environment. It can encourage the participation of citizen groups and lead the way to develop a community-oriented urban environment through inter-discourse agreement. The urban space of Cheonggye Stream has produced a wide range of urban discourse from 2003 to the present. Discourse regarding the Cheonggye Stream restoration project has been approached by fields including landscape architecture, ecology, urbanism, architecture, politics, and economics, among others. This discourse has reduced a variety of issues and ranges of debate. This study has classified these discussions into related fields and ideological attitudes, analysed their content, and interpreted their meaning. In order to examine the mutual relationships existing among these discourses by different ideological groups, an analytical framework was established byputting classified versions of discourses into a coordinate diagram. The overall topography showing the present status of Korea public awareness regarding the urban environment could therefore be determined. As a result, it was found that the disciplines of landscape architecture took a middle ground between groups with practical and radical ideologies regarding the Cheonggye Stream project and was a mediator for both poles to find a point of contact. However, participatory discourse requires the disciplines of landscape architecture to participate more actively in the discourses on urban environment and take a more active stand corresponding to the zeitgeist and people's sense of public justice.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.189-220
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• 2013

In this paper, the discussion on Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in Mohism is examined through the comparison with Hundred Schools of Thought. The ideas of School of Naturalists including Zou Yan or those of the Five Elements were fundamentally for the purpose of observing the regularity of changing dynasty. However, this perspective had not been emphasized as a subject of Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought until the end of the Era of Warring States. Even though it is true that Hundred Schools of Thought applied the theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in common based on the understanding of the idea, but it failed to be connected to each ideological system. The fundamental reason for this can be found in the difference between the awareness of a reality and the concept of history in Hundred Schools of Thought. Where were the characteristics and reasonable opinions of the theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in Mohism from? The most important feature of Mohism is to form independent, collective, cooperative groups based on the people of lower classes at that time and to consider God an ideological presumption. Therefore, in reality, it concentrated only on sociopolitical stability and maintenance of their own labor activities, and it was difficult for them to focus on an objective regularity of a national system or change of dynasty. In addition, due to the characteristics of individual groups, it was hard to have a macroscopic viewpoint not only on a national system, but also on others as in Zou Yan's Dae-gu-ju-seol(大九州說). With respect to this, at least, Xunzi, before the unification, gives a valid criticism. In the end, the effort to design a new political system and to secure ideological legitimacy on the assumption of the unification of the nations of the Warring States period became more specific through the edition of $L{\ddot{u}}shi$ Chunqiu (呂氏春秋), so-called Mixed School(雜家) or Synthesized School(綜合家).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.235-252
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• 2014

This paper is examining the ideological underpinnings of Park Jin-young[朴震英]. He was intellectual activity is based on Haman[咸安] Gyeongsang-namdo[慶尙南道]. And He was causing the Righteous Army[義兵] saved the country from the crisis of Imjin War[壬辰倭亂, 1592~1598] and the Byongja War[丙子胡亂, 1636~1637] in Mid-Joseon[朝鮮] Dynasty. Therefore, he had to practice patriotism and love people. The purpose of this paper is centered on the acts of Park Jin-young to focus on its ideological foundation to be sure. A cause[大義名分] was laying on the side and the real meaning of the terms of participation and his a far-sighted view [達觀] ever conduct of life[處世] divided into such discussions were developed. In addition, the formation of his ideas around the Jung gu[鄭逑] influenced correlating it with the teacher and student relationships were investigated. Park Jin-young is Im-Byeong War[壬丙兩難] since emerged on the Joseon [朝鮮] Social Jon-ju[尊周] thought was one of the representative figures. His mentor Jung gu was the cause, seriously. And he cause, the influence of the teacher very seriously here was typical of that era. The people loved teacher. And his disciples to overcome difficulties that influence the Righteous Army sought to raise the country. His teachers have taught him Confucian influence. And behave appropriately when life. Park Jin-young acted appropriately when affected by such a life. Consequently, he was a true intellectual in those times.