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Establishment of Buddhist Monks' Pungmul in the Late Joseon Dynasty and Its Meanings (조선 후기 절걸립패 풍물의 성립과 그 풍물사적 의의)

  • Son, Tae-do
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.50 no.1
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    • pp.78-117
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    • 2017
  • Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

A Study on the Structure and the owners of the Royal Tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty (고려왕릉의 구조 및 능주(陵主) 검토)

  • Lee, Sang June
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.2
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    • pp.4-19
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    • 2012
  • There remain many royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty in Gaeseong and Ganghwa. During the Goryeo Dynasty, these royal tombs were taken over tradition of tomb construction style from previous generation, and they completed their own inventive style. Furthermore they handed down those style to the Joseon Dynasty. The area of tomb was divided into 3 or 4 steps, and stone figures and T-shaped houses for sacrifice were arranged on each steps. It was the stone chamber of lateral opening style which had an entrance to southward, and it was formed as a rectangular box-shaped with a pile of stone walls and a flat ceiling. There was a coffin stand in the middle of floor, and traditional bricks were around them. The wall side and ceiling had been whitewashed and painted pictures. These are general characteristics for the tomb construction style of the Goryeo Dynasty. By the way, we can notice a number of features except those general things with inspection in detail. In early days, we confirmed 1step-parallel fulcrum ceiling, coffin stand of all in one stone, bier of burial artifact, and mural of plant material as a set, but they were changed as flat ceiling, Red-stone wall with rectangular stone, coffin stand set as stone pillar through the period of transitional form as of in the late 12th century. In case of several royal tombs, the fragments of king's epitaph which were confirmed from tombs could be defined owners clearly, and there were considerable timing difference between the large numbers of celadons which were excavated with the fragments of king's epitaph and recording chronologically of stone chamber structure. The reason for timing difference is that posterity artifacts were buried through repairing courses by occasion of destruction caused by robbing of the royal tombs. Meanwhile I inferred the existing hypothesis about owners of royal tombs and autonym ones in comparison the burial spot direction of hypothesis ones and outcomes of excavation. Therethrough, some hypothesis about owners of royal tombs such as Myung-neung which was assumed as tomb of the King Choongmok were not correct.

A Study on the Space Planning and Landscape of 'Unjoru(雲鳥樓)' as Illustrated in the Family Hereditary Drawing, "Jeolla Gurye Ohmidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)" ('전라구례오미동가도(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)'를 통해 본 운조루(雲鳥樓)의 공간배치계획과 경관 고찰)

  • Shin, Sang-sup
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.4
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    • pp.48-63
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    • 2013
  • The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.

The Landscape Value of Asan Oeam-ri's Folk Village as Cultural Heritage (아산 외암마을 토속경관의 문화유산적 가치)

  • Shin, Sang Sup
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.1
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    • pp.30-51
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    • 2011
  • During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

The Real States of Affairs and Features of Fortune-Telling in Gwang-Ju (광주 점복(占卜)문화의 실상과 특징)

  • Pyo, In Ju
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.4
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    • pp.4-23
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    • 2010
  • Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.

A Study on the Sanctuary of the Residence in East China Sea Skirts Area (동중국해권 민가의 성역(聖域)에 관한 연구)

  • Youn, Lily;Onomichi, Kenji
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.2
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    • pp.60-81
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    • 2010
  • Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

A Study on Nam Nyeong-wie Yun Uiseon's Gwanbok Described in the List of Wedding Gifts in 1837 (남녕위(南寧尉) 윤의선(尹宜善)의 1837년 「혼수발기」 속 관복(冠服) 고찰)

  • Lee, Eunjoo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.200-221
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    • 2019
  • The National Hangeul Museum houses a document list of the wedding gifts that Queen Sunwon granted her royal son-in-law, Nam Nyeong-wie, in August 1837. A total of 55 items were recorded in Hangeul Gungseo style on yellow paper. This list included four types of government officials' uniforms, casual wear, accessories, etc. The results of studying the 19th-century male officials' uniforms through this historic record were as follows. The clothing record in the List of Wedding Gifts was more accurate than that in the Dukongongju Garyedeungrok. The four types of government official uniforms for Nam Nyeong-wie included jeobok, sangbok, sibok, and gongbok. For the joebok, there was geumkwan, daehong-hangrah joebok, baeksam, ahole, seodae, gakpae, peseul, paeok, husu, and mokhwa. The record of the List confirms that baeksam was used as jungdan for joebok. For the gongbok, there was daehong-hangrah gongbok, blue seolhancho duhgre, blue saenggyeonggwangju changui, and green waehangrah kurimae. The record of the List shows that the lining of the gongbok was duhgre, and confirms, for the first time, that changui and kurimae were worn inside the gongbok. For the sangbok, there was samo, ssanghakhyungbae embroidered with golden thread, dark green cloud patterned gapsa gwandae, blue cloud patterned gapsa duhgre, blue ssangmuncho changui, and Chinese purple hwamunsa kurimae. For the sibok, there was pink gwangsa gwandae, and blue gwangcho duhgre. For the lining, blue duhgre was used. Lastly, the fabrics used for those costumes were all suitable for the climate in August.

Research to Bronze production related workshop management of the Gyeongju Area (경주지역의 청동생산(靑銅生産) 공방운영(工房運營)에 대한 일고찰)

  • Cha, Soon-Chul
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.38
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    • pp.179-222
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    • 2005
  • Studies prosecuted on relics in those 17 bronze workshops that have been thus far excavated show that these workshops may be roughly classified into a royal workshop, a state-operated workshop and a private workshop depending upon by whom they were operated. Workshops in the Gyeongju area developed from a small royal handicraft manufacturing to a large state-operated handicraft manufacturing scale, and then later on gradually changed to a private handicraft manufacturing industry. The royal bronze workshops were operated in a small scale, as shown from the relics excavated at Wolseong(月城), Imhaejeonji(Anapji:雁鴨池) and their neighborhood places around Hwangnam_dong(皇南洞). The state-operated bronze workshops are concentrated upon one point around Dongcheon-dong(東川洞), Gyeongju city. On the other hand, in the state-operated workshop stage, a broad street was built by a workshop, which is presumed to aim to thoroughly transport materials needed for the workshop. And the point that wastes from bronze workshops were used for road repairs indicates that road repair works were carried at the bronze workshops near the road. The private workshop as a new type of workshop was operated by the aristocracy. For that purpose, craftsmen belonging to state-operated workshops or individual artisans were absorbed into the aristocracy-operated workshops. These types of workshops were pervaded throughout the city. When private workshops came to emerge in the houses of the aristocracy, the operating subjects of workshops began to change from state-operated to private workshops. Temple workshops were located at a Buddhist temple within the Court and directly produced things needed for the court, including bronze foundries. As aforementioned, through the presence of bronze workshops operated in the Silla Court, we can identify the relationships between their technical level and trading areas and among their origin, supply and demand sources, along with phases of social life in those days.

A Comparative Study of the House Spirit Belief between the Tungus and Korea (한민족과 퉁구스민족의 가신신앙 비교 연구)

  • Kim, In
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.243-266
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    • 2004
  • This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

Distributional Characteristics and Population Substantiality of Viola mirabilis L.; Rear edge Population in Korea (한국이 후방가장자리 개체군인 넓은잎제비꽃(Viola mirabilis L.)의 분포특성과 지속가능성)

  • Chae, Hyun-Hee;Kim, Young-Chul;An, Won-Gyeong;Kwak, Myoung-Hai;Nam, Gi-Heum;Lee, Kyu-Song
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.33 no.4
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    • pp.422-439
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    • 2019
  • The rear edge population is considered to have low genetic diversity and high risk of extinction according to a highly isolated distribution. However, the rear edge population is observed to have persisted for an extended period despite the low genetic diversity. As such, it is necessary to understand the ecological process involved in the persistence of the population. Viola mirabilis L. in Korea is considered the rear edge population from the perspective of the worldwide distribution. We surveyed the distribution range of V. mirabilis, which shows the isolated distribution in the central area of Korea, to find out the factors of its persistence. Next, we investigated and accessed the vegetational pattern of habitats, soil environment, phenology, self-compatibility, population structure, and extinction risk factors observed in the distribution area. V. mirabilis was distributed in the understory of the deciduous forest, planted forest of the deciduous conifer and deciduous broad-leaved trees, shrubland, and grassland in the limestone area. We also observed the re-establishment of seedlings in the population, and most of them showed a stable population structure. For chasmogamous flowers, the visit by pollinators has a significantly positive relationship with the production of fruits. However, we found that the production of the cleistogamous flowers was more numerous in all studied populations and that only the cleistogamous flowers were produced despite a more substantial plant size in some populations. The plant size was more related to the production of the cleistogamous flowers than that of the chasmogamous flowers. Accordingly, the cleistogamous flowers significantly contributed to seedling recruitment in the population. We found that the production of the chasmogamous flowers and the cleistogamous flowers did not have a correlation with the factors of the soil analysis except for phosphoric acid. V. mirabilis showed the self-incompatibility characteristics most likely due to the production capability of the cleistogamous flowers. Potential extinction risk factors observed in the distribution area was included the development of limestone mine, the expansion of agricultural fields, and the construction of houses. Although V. mirabilis showed an isolated distribution in the limestone area in the Korean peninsula, it showed a diverse distribution in a wide habitat environment ranging from the grassland to the understory of the trees with relatively low canopy closure rate. Moreover, we concluded that the persistence of the population was possible if we can maintain the current state of multiple populations and stable population structure.