• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.73-94
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• 2022

Florence is the cradle of the Italian Renaissance. It is the result of a combination of medieval humanists' exploration of ancient Greek and Roman knowledge and culture, the leadership of great monarchs and priests, patronage of the Medici family, etc., free-thinking and creativity of artists, and critical consciousness and cultural needs of citizens. However, the Florentine Renaissance could not have blossomed unless the Medici family had collected ancient manuscripts and translations, and built libraries to preserve and provide literature. Based on this logical basis, this study outlined the Florentine renaissance and historic libraries, analyzed the collection and composition of favorite books of the Medici family, and traced the architectural characteristics and metaphors of the Medici libraries, The San Marco Library (Michelozzo Library), Library of Badia Fiesolana, and the San Lorenzo Library (Laurentian Library) were the priming and birthplace of the Florentine Renaissance despite of many difficulties, including earthquake, fire, restoration, transfer, seizure, and closure. In particular, the San Marco Library, which was opened in 1444 based on the financial support of Cosimo de' Medici, Michelozzo's design, and Niccoli's private collections was the first common library in the Renaissance period. And the architectural highlight of the Laurentian Library, which opened in 1571 under the leadership of Giulio (Papa Clemente VII), is Michelangelo's staircase, which symbolizes 'from ignorance to wisdom', and the real value of the content is the ancient manuscripts and early printed books, which were collected by the humanist Niccoli and the Medici family. In short, when discussing the Florentine Renaissance, Medici's collection and historic libraries are very important points. The reason is that the ancient collections were not stuffed products, but syntactic semiotics, and the libraries are telescopes that view the history of human knowledge and culture and microscopes that create knowledge and wisdom. If records dominate memories, libraries accumulate records. Therefore, long breathing and time capsule strategies are also required for the development and preservation of retroactive books in domestic libraries with a relatively long history.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.99
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• pp.30-49
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• 2021

Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion by An Jung-sik (1861-1919; sobriquet: Simjeon) was first shown to the public in the exhibition Art of the Korean Empire: The Emergence of Modern Art at the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art, Deoksugung. This painting bears poems and inscriptions composed by Kim Taek-yeong (1850-1927; sobriquet: Changgang) and written by Kwon Dong-su (1842-?; sobriquet: Seokun). A rare example of an actual-view landscape painting by An Jung-sik, this painting is significant in that it depicts upper-class houses in Seoul in the early twentieth century. More importantly, it demonstrates an association among intellectuals of the time. Yun Deok-yeong (1873-1940; sobriquet: Byeoksu), who asked An Jung-sik to create this painting, was an uncle of Empress Sunjeonghyo (1894-1966), the consort of Emperor Sunjong. He was one of the most prominent collaborators who promoted the Japanese colonization of Korea. When Emperor Sunjong bestowed Yun Deok-yeong with a hanging board with an inscription reading "Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion," Yun requested the production of this painting to mark the event. Kim Taek-yeong, a master of Chinese literature during the late Korean Empire period, sought asylum in Nantong, Jiangsu Province in China with his family a month before the Protectorate Treaty was signed between Korea and Japan in 1905. In 1909, he returned to Korea. His decision to return was greatly influenced by Yun Deok-yeong and Yi Jae-wan (1855-1922). Upon his return, Kim Taek-yeong intended to gather materials for publishing a history book. Also, Kim continuously met his old acquaintances, made new friends, and socialized with them. He built relationships with people from various backgrounds, including those living in regions like Gurye, and even in other countries like Japan. This indicates that intellectuals of the time were still forming networks through poems and prose regardless of their political inclination, social rank, or nationality. Scholar Byeoksu in a Pavilion is of great value in that it shows an aspect of the intellectual exchanges among the learned people of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.35-60
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• 2010

In this paper, the researcher investigated the relationships between nature and humans through I-Ching(『周易』) from the perspective of environmental ethics. I-Ching(『周易』) is a literature which has been quoted so frequently as a desirable alternative for environmental issue. The researcher closely reviewed how the relationships between nature and humans had been defined in I-Ching(『周易』) and developed the discussions focusing on what humans could and should do for nature. Nature makes up for the portion of extinction through endless birth. By giving birth for a new life continuously, and complementing the portion of extinction at the same time, nature is being maintained and preserved. In the side of nature, extinction and birth are equal, meanwhile, the sage who wrote I-Ching(『周易』) had held the concept of anxiety worrying that the whole living beings would be extinct, therefore, the sage wrote I-Ching(『周易』) in the aspects of birth. For nature has always been maintained and preserved in its own cause, there is no chance of nature being destroyed by itself. Human is one living being amongst all things created by nature, and at the same time, humans had been endowed with a position which is one among SanCai(三才). Nature had given humans responsibility and duty according to their position, but humans neglect to perform their responsibility and duty indulging in enjoyment of their position. Because humans have only enjoyed their position which is the critical one amongst SanCai (三才), this failure has resulted in destruction of nature. It shall be necessary for humans to enjoy their position to a certain extent, in the meantime, however, they should discharge those responsibilities and duties in order for forming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth. Although it is the humans that have destroyed nature, they can also provide nature with help to give birth to a new life. Reason for humans have destroyed nature is that they forgot their responsibility and duty having been concealed by their selfish desires. If humans get rid of their selfish desires, and fulfill their given duties and responsibilities, nature shall become revitalized again.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.58-68
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• 2014

Christian Cay Lorenz Hirschfeld is often regarded as 'a father of landscape garden art.' He was an aesthetics professor and garden theoretician in the $18^{th}$ century. He put forth the most comprehensive garden theory book in five volumes between 1779 and 1785. His book, Theorie der Gartenkunst, was translated and widely circulated in his contemporary. The book, which dealt with diverse aspects of garden art such as history, design, material, and type, urged to promote the prevalence of landscape garden in European continents as well as in Germany. However, there have scarcely been discourses in the Hirschfeld's garden theory. This essay aims to review Hirschfeld's garden thoughts in his book critically and to reinterpret some issues in the contemporary landscape theory and practice. Hirschfeldian theory was the product of $18^{th}$ century German Enlightenment and romanticism. At that time, Nature was regarded as divine realm. There was a German affinity with natural world. The spread of reading culture and the fashion of travel literature were another background of the success of his garden literature. Several issues in Hirschfeld garden theory will discussed here. First, privileging garden art was the most significant contribution in his theory. He emphasized that garden art was the most advanced art form among all art genres. Second, garden art was grounded on the mimesis of nature. The ambiguous relationship between nature and art still existed in garden making. However, garden art can be flourished when utilizing the potency of nature in itself. Third, there was the association between the image and the idea in experiencing the garden. Some garden scenes stimulated the related emotional responses such as cheerful and merry, softly melancholic, romantic, solemn etc. Fourth, the movement was the essential aspect of garden art. Motion and emotion are come together in garden experience. To represent the landscape garden style in suitable way, the sketch or image seems to be preferable than the plans and views. Finally, garden art was composing of not only the physical space but also the spirit of place. He maintained the garden art as hortus moralis should be a social metaphor. Hirschfeldian garden theory has often been criticized as the lack of practical power and the old fashioned idea. However, his theory influenced on formulating the idea of public park in $19^{th}$ century. Moreover, there are still some visionary aspects of his theory such as the reevaluation of garden art, the emphasis of locality and the introduction of Mittelweg idea. Recently, gardening culture are prevalent in various realms of art and life. Hirschfeld's garden theory as humanistic landscape theory can provide us some insights in the contemporary practices.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.21-29
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• 2023

The Northern Song Dynasty, the heyday of cultural and artistic achievements, brought significant changes to the history of gardens in China. The developments and contemplations that had evolved during the previous Tang Dynasty became intertwined with literature, painting, and art, leading to garden being perceived as works of art. In particular, the emergence of Su Shi(蘇軾) that permeated literature and art during the Northern Song Dynasty, had an impact beyond individual garden creation, influencing the development of public gardens and the diversification of garden. His long exile periods served as an opportunity to understand and reflect the local culture and characteristics, influencing the development of the garden. This study focuses on the ideology of Su Shi(蘇軾) that managed various gardens, examining the relationship between his exlie life and ideology. To do so, the study examines the form of the literati's gardens managed by Su Shi(蘇軾), with a particular emphasis on the Baiheju(白鶴居) garden in Huizhou, revealing the following characteristics and values. First, Su Shi(蘇軾), who was proficient in the Three Houses: Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, combined his philosophy and unique perspective techniques with the location and composition elements of Baiheju(白鶴居) to enjoy the landscape. Although the ancient residence has a simple form, it possesses expansiveness through the combination of internal and external views. The interior is designed to be perceived as a single space, but it allows overlapping experiences of space and simultaneous appreciation of different sceneries. On the other hand, the spatial layout incorporates a hierarchical order to establish a sense of order. Second, the garden reflects the local characteristics, featuring numerous tropical plants and presenting vibrant and contrasting colors with structures. The planting forms embrace the concept of "huosei seikou" (活色生香) to enhance the color harmoniously. Additionally, the garden incorporates the poet's spiritual world, projecting it onto the garden as a contemplative place for spiritual nourishment and exploration of the ideal realm. For the pursuit of serenity and profound contemplation, the selected plantings are simple yet distinctive, providing rhythm and depth to the garden space. Third, Baiheju(白鶴居) has undergone changes over the years, but fundamentally, the form and elements of the garden shaped by Su Shi(蘇軾)'s descendants persist, confirming its heritage value.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.65-101
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• 2018

In the late Joseon Dynasty, patriarchal ideology became central to the family and the clan, and once again became acutely felt with "the familism of clan rules that centered around a legitimate and eldest son." The establishment of the family-clan system, though somewhat complex, was largely aimed at the family line of "a paternalist-a legitimate and eldest son." The trend was not limited to a particular family, but rather, was a historical and social trend. Changseonggameirok showed how to solve the family crisis by setting up a problem for the next generation's patriarch. This paper tries to explain the issue of Hwachun's complex as the legitimate and eldest son complex. First, it suggests that Hwachun's complex is as universal as the Cain complex, also known as the eldest son complex, and that Hwachun's complex is a special instance of the legitimate and eldest son complex in Changseonggameirok. Next this paper studies the aspects of Hwachun's legitimate and eldest son complex combined with Mrs. Sim's complex, as well as her daughter-in-law's complex, and eventually tracks the development of the family-clan complex. As a result, we've come to a new conclusion that the legitimate and eldest son complex was found in Changseonggameirok for the first time in Korean literary history. This paper also examines the fact that when the legitimate and eldest son complex was transferred to Hwajin, it became a family complex that Hwajin had to contend with; this paper tracks the process wherein Hwajin's filial piety solved the legitimate and eldest son complex. As a result, we realized that Hwajin's filial duty and brotherly love went beyond his feelings for Mrs. Sim and Hwachun, and supported the substantiation for "the familism of a clan that is based on rules of the legitimate and eldest son" in the course of public opinion. However the familism of these rules was not embodied in the absolute; in the royal family, for example, it was rather flexibly implemented when the characters admitted to breaking the law. In addition, this paper provides the room for a critical reading of Changseonggameirok, reflecting back on the underlying guilt and psychological pain of the characters who are affected by the particular rules, and concluding that guilt and suffering are fundamentally insoluble. This is because the two ideas, "the legitimate and eldest son complex" and "the familism of a clan rules centered on a legitimate and eldest son" are two sides of the same coin.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.61-80
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• 2011

This study estimated the prototype of Yangjindang at the time of its foundation by putting together the literature and discovered data and historical research on family related to Sangju Yangjindang, and looked at its architectural characteristics. These are summarized as follows: First, Yangjindang is an office building which was completed in three years [1629] after its start of construction when Keomgan Jojeong was at the age of 72 [1626] in his latter days and it was used for performing ancestral rites for Jojeong's forefathers of the head family of Pungyang Jo by family origin. Yangjindang was founded as a base of utopia for putting ancestral rites & commemoration, harmoniousness of a tribe, and educational idea into practice together with Ojakdang. Such a movement can be judged to interpret and apply the circumstances of the times realistically and flexibly where they tried to pursue the promotion of Confucianism & studies of the proprieties as well as the consciousness of practice, and to bring a tribe into harmony after the war through the retirement of Toegye School. Second, it is located at a topographically ideal spot on the edge of the Jangcheon-a tributary of Nakdong with a good physiology and landscape and its location was also the lot for a house of Jojeong's ancestor, which was burned down by war. Behind such a location and planning of Yangjindang, it is presumed, though not certain that it was modelled after Naeap village at Andong- Jojeong's parents-in-low's home. Third, as for its foundation size, it's a head house as much as about more than 100-kan, and its structure is composed of Samyo, Bonche, and Yangjindang. In addition, arrangements of buildings and its composition system and renovation procedures followed Chu-tzu Garyoe. Composition of Samyo can be restored to Yangjindang, Jugo, Woesammun, and Samyo; however, there has been no case of existence in case of Jugo building composition & arrangement takes on an aspect of a compromise between Gamyojido and Sandangjido of Garoe, which seems to be the result from flexibly interpreting and applying the rituals and studies of the proprieties of Toegye School in keeping with locational topography and realistic circumstances while making it a principle for them to observe by Toegye School. There exists a difference between Bonche and its counterpart of the upper class housing at Sangju district in that Bonche[main building] is a squre-shaped 'Ttuljip' typical of Andong setting a family ancestral ritual as a main function. Fourth, there existed a lot of hardships in raising money to cover repairs in time of doing repairs to this structure after 180 years since its establishment. In case of the repair work on Bonche, the level of renovation was limited to the replacement of old materials for rafters, doorpost, roof members and railings with new materials, together with partial alterations in case of window system. It is estimated that Yangjindang was renovated in 1808, and afterwards it was renamed Okryujeong after being re-built at another site. Through the repairs, the floor was expanded for the clan's meeting, and angle rafters and roof members were mended as well. Especially, the plane and structure of Okryujeong which was re-built at another site are expected to give clues to its restoration due to the resemblance to original appearance of Yangjindang at the time of its renovation in 1808.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.246-263
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• 2019

The stone Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple at Bukhansan in Goyang, Gyeonggi Province, is an excellent example of stone Buddha statues created in the late 15th century. On the base of the figure, there is an inscription, which informs that it was produced in 1497. In recognition of this significance, it was recently designated as a tangible cultural asset in Gyeonggi-do. Thus, this paper tried to evaluate the value of the statue by analyzing iconography and style. The characteristics of a typical 15th-century style that the Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple shows are the form of ushnisha, the way clothes are worn, the form of a w-shaped chest muscle, and the simple lotus pedestal. On the other hand, the elongation of the waist and the disappearance of the waistband on undergarments are new forms of Buddha statues in the 16th century. Besides, parting the hair in the middle of the head and leaf-shaped short ribbon draped on undergarments are unique features that only appear on the statue of Sangunsa Temple. Sangunsa has been known to be built in the early 18th century based on Bukanji compiled by Seongneung in 1745, and Bongeunbonmalsaji composed in 1943. However, the statue was created in the late 15th century, before the establishment of the temple in the early 18th century. Therefore, this paper briefly reviewed the history of Sangunsa Temple, focusing on the initial period, referring to the historical sites and the relics that were passed on to the temple, as well as the literature records. The data newly referred to in the study are as follows: Sangunsa Stone Pagoda, presumed to be from the Goryeo Dynasty; the Stone Buddha Statue of Sangunsa; Wooden Amita Triad Buddha Statue of Sangunsa. According to the data and contrary to previously-held beliefs, Sangunsa Temple is believed to have been operating since the Goryeo Dynasty. It can be inferred through analysis of the stone Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple that the size of the Temple before the 18th century was not very large.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.118-141
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• 2024

This study investigates and analyzes ancient literature records and iconographic materials to examine the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) built on Gasan(假山) Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川) within the Hanyangdoseong, which was deliberately created to prevent flood damage during the Joseon Dynasty. Although there have been research cases related to the willow tree, it is difficult to find research conducted with the purpose of identifying its archetypal value by investigating and analyzing specific use cases of the willow tree and its historical background. Accordingly, this study aims to identify examples of the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) created in Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川) during the Joseon Dynasty and reinterpret their value by illuminating the background of construction and regional characteristics. The main contents of this study are as follows. It is presumed that floods during the Joseon Dynasty were a great hazard. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, Joseon suffered severe damage from floods. By the time of King Yeongjo, all Four Mountains(四山) of the capital had become bare mountains, which was the cause of frequent floods. In the year of Gyeongjin(庚辰, the 26th year of King Yeongjo's reign, 1760), King Yeongjo dredged the channel bottom of Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川), which overflowed every rainy season, with the Juncheon Project(Channel-Dredging, 濬川事業) and planted willow trees on the mountain on both sides of the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門), as measures to prevent flood damage and soil loss. was implemented. In the <Doseongdo(都城圖)> in 《 Gwangyeodo(廣輿圖)》 produced in the mid-18th century during the reign of King Yeongjo, Gasan(假山), built in front of the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門) is visible, and in the record 『Sinjeung Donggukyeoji Seungnam(新增東國輿地勝)』 In the record, it appears that willows were planted on both sides of the mountain in the year of Gyeongjin(1760). With <Hanyangdoseong Map(漢陽都城圖)> produced in the 46th year of King Yeongjo's reign(1770), it is confirmed that willow trees formed a thick forest on Gasan Mountain near the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門) in the late 18th century. In addition, the Juncheon Project(Channel-Dredging, 濬川事業) and the creation of the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) continued from the 15th century, the early Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮前期), to the end of the 19th century, the late Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮後期), through the records of ancient literature such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)』, 『Seungjeongwon Diary(承政院日記)』, and 『Records of Daily Reflections(日省錄)』. This study is meaningful in informing that the willow tree was a unique cultural heritage and traditional landscape resource by investigating the composition and use of the Willow Tree Fence in the Joseon Dynasty, which was a great basis for preventing floods and flood damage, as well as forming a beautiful landscape.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.37
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• pp.253-281
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the meaning of of "Nikolai Garin - Mikhailovsky's the "Joseon tale". talks about the origins of the Joseon Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty. In this paper, we revealed the features of the form of "Otter Legend". And analyzed the confrontation between Nurhachi's family and Yi Seong-gye's family shown in the story. The result is as follows. is complex tale. The start of is 'the typr of Yaraeja'. Next is the story of Myoung-Dang. Myoung-Dang is deep in the water. also has anecdotes of Jeong, Chung-shin. rearranged at least three stories or more. transformed each type of stories, communing the different patterns of stories with different logic. The basic logic of the transformation was to maximize the confrontation between the NuruhachI and Yi Seong-gye clans, the origins of Manchuria and the Chosun Dynasty. As a result, the sacredness of Nurhachi's Family, the origin of the Qing Dynasty, was expanded. On the other hand, Yi Seong-gye s Family was less extraordinary than Nurhachi's Family. Also, the ability of the person is also inferior. This is not the yearning for the Qing Dynasty. This is because the Qing Dynasty and the Joseon have the same pedigree. shows that the Qing Dynasty's experiences should be shared since the Qing Dynasty was born of another clan of Joseon. This is a new perception of Qing Dynasty. This is similar to the interpretation that dragged the Qing Dynasty's history into the Joseon's ethnographic historical point of view.