• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.241-260
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• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.11
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• pp.201-220
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• 2007

From two viewpoints the writer investigated the beauty of space by overall arrangement and composition of a picture in Oriental painting. In particular, she examined the expanded representation and significance of space use which had not properly been recognized in the field of a colored picture contrary to a painting in India ink. She studied that the boundary for the representation and appreciation of space was unlimited to one field of painting by studying and analyzing it in connection with other fields of art which had something in common with it in techniques or languages of representation. The writer considered the aspects of similar forms and spirits as the methods of understanding and representing the essence of an object in creating a work. She generally considered the aspect of perfecting knowledge by studying the principle of an actual thing for the representation of revealed forms corresponding to the aspect of similar forms, and tried to reach the stage of 'materialization' united with the spirit of the subject of creation for the formless forms corresponding to the aspect of representing an artist's inner world as well as the external shapes of things. She tried to reach the stage of spiritual cultivation in pursuit of the boundary between 'mental vanity' and 'sitting quietly and attaining the state of perfect selflessness', which were presented by Chuang-tzu, to express the spirituality internal to it. She recognized that the projection of the cultivation on a work could convey internal essence as well as external forms to a picture. It was because the image of the form represented in a picture was based on the aesthetic experience got from realty. In the concept of space and a method of representing it, she explored and analyzed the basic concept of space, arranged the concept of space shown in Oriental ideas dividing it into the concepts of space in Confucianism, Taoism and the Zen sect. What she felt acutely through this study was that she should establish the identity of her work by succeeding to, changing and re-creating tradition based on the historical heritage left by successive excellent painters and theorists. Putting together all these things showed that establishing the identity in the world of work pursued and oriented by her required searching the direction in future works by mixing tradition with modern times in a creative way, which is just the purpose of study in this thesis.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.31-55
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• 2005

Dangsan forests and Rural Community Forests(RCF) have been historical assets for the rural communities of more than 40,000 in Korea and they have provided an identity through the cultural heritage. The Dangsan forests and the RCF are parts of a unique cultural landscape in the rural areas as components of stream landscape. In many cases, the Dangsan forests and the RCF are located close to stream corridors. The objective of this study was to understand the function of the Dangsan forests and the RCF on stream water quality and to evaluate its ecological landscape values. Through the consideration of international concensus and domestic government policy for close-to-nature stream, we could find out that Dangsan forests and RCF's have close relationship with the close-to-nature streams. The water quality of the streams close to the Dangsan forests and the RCF are maintained with local culture. It is also compared to the streams located where Dangsan forests and the RCF are absent. Eight study sites were selected. Water samples were collected at three different locations at each study site. Water samples were analyzed for temperature, pH, total P, total N, dissolved oxygen, EC, BOD, COD and SS. Aquatic invertebrates were observed as water quality indicator species. The results showed that the number of aquatic invertebrate species, GPI, DO, EC, BOD, and SS were significantly improved in stream water due to the presence of the Dangsan forests and the RCF. The role of Dangsan forests and the RCF was evident in the conservation of stream landscape and rural culture as well as in maintaining stream water quality. The management schemes of the streams with Dangsan forests and the RCF's are also suggested.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.1-9
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• 2011

This study concerns the Baekje Traditional Garden, one of the open spaces in the Lotte Resort in the Baekje Historical Reappearance Complex, which is part of the comprehensive plan for specific areas in the Baekje cultural area. The Baekje Traditional Garden has historic value, and its excellent garden style influenced the ancient Japanese gardens. This study dealt with three issues: (1) The context in which Lotte Buyeo Resort accepted the Baekje Traditional Garden, particularly the background and process of such; (2) The original form of the Baekje Traditional Garden; and (3) How the Baekje Traditional Garden should be represented in the open space of the resort. Representation is accomplished in two ways: using the structure of the original garden and in the borrowing of elements. For representation using the structure of the original garden, Imrugak was used as the main entrance space, and Wolsunjung was represented from the Ganbuklee remains. In the rear garden are wave watercourses and other garden facilities of the Wanggungri site in Iksan. Borrowing of elements, on the other hand, was accomplished in the plant plan and detailed development. In addition, mountaintops (three mountains and five mountain summits), a clean stream between mountains, and a pine forest are visualized in the garden. This is the representative landscape of the Taoist hermit world that appeared in the Baekje Gilt Bronze Incense Burner and Landscape pattern. The significance of this study is twofold. First, the Baekje Traditional Garden is a fresh trail because there has been no previous research concerning it. Second, while past research concerning traditional spaces focused on the results of representation, this study focused on the process of representation. This means that this research work tried to extend the study concerning the representation of traditional spaces from the conceptual to the practical approach. This study, however, also has its limitations. The authenticity of the representation suggested in this study may be questioned later because efforts have been made to preserve the original Baekje Traditional Garden. In addition, this study should seek a balance between authenticity on one hand and amusement and diversity of experience on the other, because the site is a resort.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.111-120
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• 2012

This study regards a series of achievement on Wonlim(Garden) Cultural Properties Excavation Project, led by field of landscape architecture. It will mainly describe excavation results of Gwiam(龜巖: Turtle rock) and historical value of it in terms of Nakseojae(樂書齋) restoration in Bogil-do Yun,Seondo Wonlim(Scenic Sites, No.34). Gwiam(Turtle rock) was found 14.6m apart from the north of Nakseojae, and it covered with 10~15m topsoil tilted toward Nakseojae, The size of Gwiam, which was Granite, was 360cm length, 270cm width, 95cm high. The Edge of Gwiam's North west part was of triangular shape forming Turtle head. The back of the Turtle head was form of Tortoise-shell because of wide backboard with both side groove. The southeast part of Gwiam projected was Turtle's tail. This Granite was obvious Turtle shape artificially made, and there are less likely to relocate from place to place. This Turtle-shaped Gwiam is important landmark for Nakseojae, which is one of the four spiritual creatures written in Bogildoji(甫吉島識) and Gosanyugo(孤山遺稿) by Yunwi. According to Bogildoji, it is estimated that Gwiam were on the axis with Soeunbyung(小隱屛), Nakseojae and was buried when Yiguan(Gosan's grandson) reconstructed a building. Also, it was place for enjoying the moon. But, Even after three times excavation in Nakseojae, there was no way to identify further information regarding Gwiam, so it was a matter of mystification. As a result of this study, Gwiam is laid bare to light in at least 260 years, so it is good example for boosting importance of landscape architecture field and restoring Nakseojae. Furthermore, firm base-soil was discovered in 135m high Rock Mass below, so natural ground of Nakseojae can be estimated by this basis. To be conclusion, Preservation Process for Gwiam and Estimation Space through interpretation of four spiritual creatures(四靈) in Gosan's Poetry should be continue.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.129-158
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• 2008

After Four-Seven debate in late 16C, Korean Neo-Confucian scholars had developed their theories on human nature and morality such as Insimdosimsoel (theories on the moral emotion and desire), Inmulsoengron(theories on human nature and animal nature), Mibalsimcheron(theories on the calm mind as the embodiment of morality). Confucian scholars had been active member of society since acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. They had the plans of social reforms on the basis of moral self cultivation from the elite Confucians to commoners. So the Confucian scholar took part in the foundation of new Confucian kingdom, the Joseon Dynasty(1392). Kwon gun(1352~1409), the famous Neo-Confucian scholar wrote Iphakdosoel(pictogram for beginer of Neo-Confucianism) which emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and that the mandate of heaven in human nature is identical with Li, the moral principle which the origin of the human intrinsic moral ability as the basis of unity with man and heaven. He thought that ethical life is identical with mandate of heaven, so he insisted all the member of society should follow Li, the moral principle which the origin of human morality and social goodness. Also he emphasized the morality was the intrinsic and most important value of human being. Therefore ethical life became essential part of self cultivation. Joeng Ji-un(1509~1561) wrote the Chunmyongdosoel (pictogram of mandate of Heaven), the start point of Four-Seven debate in mid 16C. Joeng followed Kwon's theoretical line. He emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and the human intrinsic moral ability. He wrote that the Four moral emotions arise from Li, the moral principle of mind, while Seven emotions arise from Ki, vital force of body. He insisted that human being should control Ki, the vital force to follow the Li, the moral principle of mind. This Korean Confucian scholars developed theories of morality and self cultivation. This theories not only show the philosophical speculation of Korean Confucian scholars but also show the social idealism and moral utopianism which grounded on the human morality. So they had trust in human morality which can guide human being into the right track to the good and peaceful society. These tendencies are main characteristics of Korean Neo-Confucianism which has seen from the begining of acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. Some modern philosophical criticism which insist the Korean Neo-Confucian theories such as Four-Senven theories was indulged in academic discussion are not only neglect the historical realty but also ignore the potential of Korean Neo-Confucian heritage.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.32-48
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• 2022

This study analyzed the construction pattern and historical reality of Gwallamji Pond(觀纜池) in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮), which has been received as distorted information and has not received sufficient attention. The main topics consisted of the construction period and reorganization in the pond garden, changes in the installed wooden bridge, the existence of the berthing facility, and whether the plan shape was deformed. The main results of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the Gwallamji Pond was already completed before the Gapsin Coup, which occurred in the year of King Gojong. Since then, the Gwallamji Pond area, including the surrounding facilities, has been neglected for a while and was extensively renovated in the early 1900s. It is difficult to find a clear basis for the suspension and resumption of the Gwallamji Pond construction proposed in the previous discussion. Second, three types of wooden bridges with different shapes and structures were installed sequentially in the Gwallamji Pond. In particular, the second wooden bridge, which installed after the maintenance of the Gwallamji Pond, is judged to be the pontoon bridge depicted in Donggweoldohyeong(東闕圖形), and the railing of the bridge was decorated to symbolize the imperial family of the Korean Empire. The third wooden bridge, which appeared intensively in Japanese colonial era, was a Japanese-style bridge. Third, a berth facility for boarding and disembarking existed on the eastern shore of the Gwallamji Pond. The berth facility is also described in Donggweoldohyeong and it remained until the Japanese colonial period. However, as the maintenance work of the Gwallamji Pond was carried out several times after liberation, the berth facility was gradually damaged, and there are no traces left now. Fourth, The Gwallamji Pond was originally constructed in a planar shape of the Korean Peninsula similar to the present. It is necessary to reconsider the conventional theory that the Gwallamji Pond, made in the shape of a gored-shaped bottle, was renovated in the shape of the Korean Peninsula in Japanese colonial era. Even when the term Pandoji Pond(半島池) first appeared, there was no view that the Japanese intentionally modified the Gwallamji Pond.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.278-305
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• 2024

Gelatin dry plate photographs dating to the Japanese colonial era and the official documents from the Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum in the collection of the National Museum of Korea are significant materials documenting cultural heritage in North Korea before it was severely damaged in 1950 during the Korean War. There has been an increase in recent years in studies of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea based on these photographs and documents. This paper presents some new comments on the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple in Hwangju, one of the most famous temples in Hwanghae-do Province, based on the related existing research outcomes. This paper aims to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple by chronicling its history based on historical records, examining its current status, and exploring in detail the production dates and backgrounds of the Buddhist sculptures featured on gelatin dry plates. Prior to Korea's liberation from Japan in 1945, Seongbulsa housed at least seven sculptural items: two Bodhisattva statues, four Buddha statues, and a triad. Two items are from the early Goryeo period, one is from the late Goryeo period, three are from the early Joseon period, and one is from the late Joseon period. Among them, two surviving items are noteworthy. One is the early Goryeo-era Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha photographed in Eungjinjeon Hall at Seongbulsa Temple. A close examination of a schematic drawing of the sculpture's pedestal made at the time it was photographed reveals that its material accords with the materials used for the headless Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha and pedestal currently found in the old Sangwonam Hermitage site in the Inner Geumgang Valley of Jeongbangsan Mountain. This accordance could mean that the statue is a new significant example of early Goryeo Buddhist sculpture in North Korea. The other notable sculpture is the Gilt-bronze Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad created in 1454 (the second year of the reign of King Danjong) and discovered in Geungnakjeon Hall at Seongbulsa. This statue is currently in the collection of the Sariwon History Museum in Hwanghae-do Province. It is an important example of a dated small gilt-bronze Buddhist statue from the early Joseon period found in North Korea. This paper is a case study of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea, focusing on Seongbulsa Temple. Further utilization of the National Museum of Korea's gelatin dry plates will contribute to developing the study of the history of Korean Buddhist sculpture.