• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.239-270
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• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.163-173
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• 2006

The so called Antarctic Treaty System, started from the Antarctic Treaty in 1959, has gradually been enlarged into the concept of an international environmental regime, which has been included in not a few international institutions, treaties, conventions, and international non-governmental organizations (INGO). This kind of movement, as in the role of an international environmental regime, has recently been highlighted in the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty. This Protocol is taking appropriate measures as an international environmental regime in regulating its member nations by enforcing principles in protecting Antarctic resources and environment, regulating member nations' Antarctic activities, establishing norms in the adoption of international and domestic laws, and devising regulations for deciding administrative actions through the member nations' collective decision-making procedures. h this context, this paper is to test a few questions; firstly, how the Antarctic Treaty System can be related with the role of international environmental regime; secondly, how the theories of international environmental regime, such as the hegemony theory, rational choice theory, and international morality theory, can be tested in the role of Antarctic Treaty System as an international environmental regime. Finally, this paper provides a solution for the future problems of the Antarctic Treaty System as an international environmental regime regarding the regime's principle (conflict between the environmental principle and the right of nation-state), norms and regulations (the conflict between the developed and underdeveloped nations in terms of the concept of 'common but differentiated environmental responsibility'), cooperation directions (the leadership problems between hegemonic nation and multilateral leading groups), and management methods (cooperation and arrangement problems among expert institutions, observer groups, and INGO).

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.121-146
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to study on China's emergence and its influence on international society against the U.S. hegemony. Recently, China's influence has proliferated in Central Asia as well as East Asia at a rapid rate. China, through its soft balancing strategy, increased its influence in Central Asia in response to the U.S. power and behavior. This study analyzes the relationship among China and Central Asia with the view of soft balancing theory. In order to determine whether China's strategy on Central Asia is soft balancing, this paper presents three indicators: 1) Second-tier major power is willing to take a strategy that increase diplomatic cost of hegemony or counter the hegemony influence through using regional and global multilateral cooperation. 2) Second-tier major power is willing to not only increase its influence by strengthening regional economic cooperation, but also check the extension of the hegemony economic influence into its boundary. 3) Second-tier major power intends to prevent expanding hegemony military influence into the region through limited military cooperation and increasing military spending, and denying territory. This paper analyze China's multi-polar strategy, economic and energy cooperation with Central Asia countries, and the military and security cooperation with multilateral organizations such as SCO.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.127-138
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• 2010

Traditional Chinese Medicine is based on Five Phase theory that link Liver, Heart, Spleen, Lung, Kidney to Wood, Fire, Earth, Metal, Water respectively. Recently, some argue that this correspondence scheme had been established by political or socio-humane issues in early Eastern Han dynasty. But according to our analysis on Changgongyeoljeon(in Sagi), it has been revealed that this scheme had their own history from early Western Han dynasty. So we may conclude that people with medical profession had preserved the current correspondence scheme in Five Phase theory regardless trends of literature and politics in Western and Eastern Han dynasty.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.7
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• pp.79-89
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• 2006

This study attempted theoretical considerations for the formation and roles of international organizations. More specifically, the study examined experiential cases of IAEA's formation and roles, based on the points of realist and liberalist paradigms that show different viewpoints on the formation and roles of international organizations. The findings of this study show that many parts cannot be explained only with theoretical assumptions of liberalist paradigm, such as international organizations' functional merits, game rules, interdependent interests and role independence. Especially as seen in the formation and operation cases of IAEA, the formation of international organizations is mainly motivated by the security of vested rights among powers and their roles may be changed, depending on the mutual policy objectives of the countries concerned.. In this respect, international organizations do not seem to be strictly protected in independence or efficiency of their roles. Therefore, the liberalist hegemony stability theory is useful to explain the formation and roles of international organizations.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.255-276
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• 2010

Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.15 no.6 s.59
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• pp.27-34
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• 2006

This paper present a study on the $\lceil$Parere su Architettura$\rfloor$ of Piranesi published in 1765. In the 18th century, there were fundamental cultural and social changes in Europe. This paper intends to discover the influences of these changes on the field of architectural theory, and it also intends to reveal its characteristics and meanings. The $\lceil$Parere su Architettura$\rfloor$ of Piranesi was composed as a dialogue between two architects, named Didascalo and Protopiro. In this paper, Didascalo represent the Master and Protopiro the Novice(according to the translation of Kaufmann). On the artistic theory of the Enlightenment, Didascalo proclaims as a dogma. Then he inveighs against the rigorists, using strong language quite up the attacks of the Novice. The modernistic Protopiro assails every kind of embellishment. The dialogue non only helps us to understand Piranesi, but also reflects the artistic situation in the 18th century. The summary of the result of this study is as follows: 1. The book of Piranesi represents a controversy of the romanticism against the architectural rationalism. 2. The negation of the originality of the Roman architecture has been considered as the negation of the Baroque architecture that was the artistic base af Piranesi. 3. Piranesi had ideological intention to defend the hegemony of the Italian culture through strengthening of the Etruria-Roman-Baroque cultural tradition.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.26 no.6
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• pp.94-104
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to analyze the art world's perspective on popular art and the contact point with pure art and to present the requirements of fashion as a popular art. To analyze the artistic value of fashion, this study analyzed and presented the requirements of art by linking the innate characteristics of fashion premised on mass consumption of popular art. The research method consisted of content analysis focusing on books and papers on art and fashion. A critical perspective on expansion of the artistic field amid the blurred boundaries of art is the basis of a critical comparison between popular art and avant-garde art and a critique of popular art as opposed to value-oriented art. Conversely, as a point of contact with popular art with fine art, art is discussed against the ideological strategy of fine art and the shift in hegemony brought about by erosion of the barrier between art and everyday life. In addition, the non-essentialist perspective contradicts the division theory of popular art. The requirements of fashion as a popular art were analyzed based on the value of self-expression through the aesthetic pursuit of creativity and aesthetic expression, discourse as art, and expansion of modern art from the inessentialist perspective of popular art.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.73-114
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• 2021

This study examines the distribution of power in Northeast Asia based on the balance of power theory, a representative theory of realism, assuming military capabilities as the core power of states. The results of previous studies on the balance of power and military forces are reviewed and used to analyze changes in the strength of the US, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and North Korea through 2020 to predict the security environment in 2030. In the balance of power theory, if the balance of power between a nation or a group of powers collapses, the possibility of war is high, and to survive in the international community with high uncertainty and distrust, the theory predicts that states must increase their powers in a self-help world and strengthen cooperation and alliance. Countries in Northeast Asia are also continuing to strengthen their military capabilities, and countries neighboring China are paying keen attention and remaining vigilant due to the rapid changes in the international security environment after the rapid rise of China. To mark the future 100th anniversary of the Chinese armed forces in the 2030s, China aims to realize 'defense and military modernization' and build a 'world-class military force' by the nation's 100th anniversary in the 2050s. The US is busy checking China's rise by strengthening international cooperation and alliances. The security environment and power dynamics in Northeast Asia are slowly changing as the US and China continue to compete for global hegemony. The changes and implications of the distribution of power in Northeast Asia after 2030 are examined based on the balance of power theory.