• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.239-270
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• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• Strategy21
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• 통권42호
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• 제28권2호
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• pp.163-173
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• 2006

The so called Antarctic Treaty System, started from the Antarctic Treaty in 1959, has gradually been enlarged into the concept of an international environmental regime, which has been included in not a few international institutions, treaties, conventions, and international non-governmental organizations (INGO). This kind of movement, as in the role of an international environmental regime, has recently been highlighted in the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty. This Protocol is taking appropriate measures as an international environmental regime in regulating its member nations by enforcing principles in protecting Antarctic resources and environment, regulating member nations' Antarctic activities, establishing norms in the adoption of international and domestic laws, and devising regulations for deciding administrative actions through the member nations' collective decision-making procedures. h this context, this paper is to test a few questions; firstly, how the Antarctic Treaty System can be related with the role of international environmental regime; secondly, how the theories of international environmental regime, such as the hegemony theory, rational choice theory, and international morality theory, can be tested in the role of Antarctic Treaty System as an international environmental regime. Finally, this paper provides a solution for the future problems of the Antarctic Treaty System as an international environmental regime regarding the regime's principle (conflict between the environmental principle and the right of nation-state), norms and regulations (the conflict between the developed and underdeveloped nations in terms of the concept of 'common but differentiated environmental responsibility'), cooperation directions (the leadership problems between hegemonic nation and multilateral leading groups), and management methods (cooperation and arrangement problems among expert institutions, observer groups, and INGO).

• 국제지역연구
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• 제16권2호
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• pp.121-146
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• 2012

본 논문의 목적은 오늘날 부상하고 있는 중국이 기존 패권국가인 미국에 대응해 국제사회에서 어떻게 자신의 영향력을 유지·확대하고 있는 가를 연구하는 것이다. 최근 중국의 영향력은 동아시아를 넘어서 중앙아시아로 확대되고 있는 추세이다. 중국은 소프트밸런싱 전략을 통해 미국을 견제하며 중앙아시아에 대한 자국의 영향력을 확대하고 있다. 본 연구는 최근 급속도로 발전하고 있는 중국과 중앙아시아의 관계를 대미 견제의 소프트밸런싱 이론을 적용해 분석하고자 한다. 본 논문에서는 중국의 중앙아시아에 대한 전략이 소프트밸런싱인지를 판단하기 위한 3가지 지표를 제시한다. 1) 도전국가는 지역적 또는 국제적 다자협력을 활용하여 패권국가의 외교적 비용을 높이거나 패권국을 견제하기 위한 전략을 제시한다. 2) 도전국가는 역내 국가들과의 경제협력을 강화하여 자국의 영향력을 증대하는 한편, 패권국의 경제적 영향력이 도전국가의 역내로 확대되는 것을 견제하고자 한다. 3) 도전국은 군사동맹보다는 역내 국가들과 연합을 통해 제한적인 군사훈련과 군비 증강, 영토의 부인의 방식으로 하나의 국가가 패권국가에 대응하여 초래할 수 있는 위험부담을 분산 또는 감소하고 패권국의 군사적 영향력이 역내로 확대되는 것을 견제하고자 한다. 이러한 지표를 통해 중국의 다극화 전략, 중앙아시아 지역의 국가들과의 경제협력과 에너지 협력 그리고 SCO 등 다자기구를 통한 중국과 중앙아시아 국가들 간의 군사안보 협력을 분석한다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제23권3호
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• pp.127-138
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• 2010

Traditional Chinese Medicine is based on Five Phase theory that link Liver, Heart, Spleen, Lung, Kidney to Wood, Fire, Earth, Metal, Water respectively. Recently, some argue that this correspondence scheme had been established by political or socio-humane issues in early Eastern Han dynasty. But according to our analysis on Changgongyeoljeon(in Sagi), it has been revealed that this scheme had their own history from early Western Han dynasty. So we may conclude that people with medical profession had preserved the current correspondence scheme in Five Phase theory regardless trends of literature and politics in Western and Eastern Han dynasty.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제6권7호
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• pp.79-89
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• 2006

본 논문은 국제기구의 형성 및 역할에 대한 이론적 고찰을 시도한 것이다. 본 논문에서 필자는 국제기구의 형성 및 역할에 대해 상이한 입장을 보이고 있는 현실주의와 자유주의 패러다임의 논점을 바탕으로 IAEA의 형성 및 역할에 대한 경험적 사례를 검토하였다. 본 논문의 연구결과 국제기구의 형성 및 역할은 국제기구의 기능상 장점, 게임의 법칙, 상호의존 이익, 역할의 독립성 등 자유주의 패러다임의 이론적 가정만으로 설명되지 않는 부분들이 많았다. IAEA의 형성 및 운영 사례에서도 보듯 국제기구는 강대국간 기득권 보장이 주된 형성동기가 되고 있으며, 국제기구 역할 역사 이해 당사국 상호간의 정책 목표에 따라 가변성을 띠고 있다. 이러한 점에서 국제기구는 그 역할의 독립성이나 효율성이 엄격히 지켜진다고 볼 수 없다. 따라서 국제기구의 형성 및 역할은 현실주의적 패권 안정론이 이를 설명하는데 유용하다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제56권2호
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• pp.255-276
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• 2010

Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.

• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
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• 제15권6호
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• pp.27-34
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• 2006

This paper present a study on the $\lceil$Parere su Architettura$\rfloor$ of Piranesi published in 1765. In the 18th century, there were fundamental cultural and social changes in Europe. This paper intends to discover the influences of these changes on the field of architectural theory, and it also intends to reveal its characteristics and meanings. The $\lceil$Parere su Architettura$\rfloor$ of Piranesi was composed as a dialogue between two architects, named Didascalo and Protopiro. In this paper, Didascalo represent the Master and Protopiro the Novice(according to the translation of Kaufmann). On the artistic theory of the Enlightenment, Didascalo proclaims as a dogma. Then he inveighs against the rigorists, using strong language quite up the attacks of the Novice. The modernistic Protopiro assails every kind of embellishment. The dialogue non only helps us to understand Piranesi, but also reflects the artistic situation in the 18th century. The summary of the result of this study is as follows: 1. The book of Piranesi represents a controversy of the romanticism against the architectural rationalism. 2. The negation of the originality of the Roman architecture has been considered as the negation of the Baroque architecture that was the artistic base af Piranesi. 3. Piranesi had ideological intention to defend the hegemony of the Italian culture through strengthening of the Etruria-Roman-Baroque cultural tradition.

• 패션비즈니스
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• 제26권6호
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• pp.94-104
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to analyze the art world's perspective on popular art and the contact point with pure art and to present the requirements of fashion as a popular art. To analyze the artistic value of fashion, this study analyzed and presented the requirements of art by linking the innate characteristics of fashion premised on mass consumption of popular art. The research method consisted of content analysis focusing on books and papers on art and fashion. A critical perspective on expansion of the artistic field amid the blurred boundaries of art is the basis of a critical comparison between popular art and avant-garde art and a critique of popular art as opposed to value-oriented art. Conversely, as a point of contact with popular art with fine art, art is discussed against the ideological strategy of fine art and the shift in hegemony brought about by erosion of the barrier between art and everyday life. In addition, the non-essentialist perspective contradicts the division theory of popular art. The requirements of fashion as a popular art were analyzed based on the value of self-expression through the aesthetic pursuit of creativity and aesthetic expression, discourse as art, and expansion of modern art from the inessentialist perspective of popular art.

• 해양안보
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.73-114
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• 2021

본 연구는 현실주의의 대표적 이론인 세력균형이론을 기초로 군사력을 국가의 핵심 힘으로 전제하여 동북아시아의 힘의 분포를 살펴본다. 이전 세력균형과 군사력 수준에 관한 연구결과를 고찰하고, 그 연구한 결과를 활용하여 2020년까지 미국, 중국, 러시아, 일본, 한국과 북한의 힘의 변화를 분석하여 2030년경 안보환경을 전망하여 본다. 세력균형이론에서 국가(nation)나 국가군(a group of power) 간에 힘의 균형이 무너지면 전쟁 가능성이 높고, 그 불확실성과 불신이 높은 국제사회에서 생존과 안전을 확보하기 위하여 국가는 힘의 증강(자조, self-help)과 더불어 협력(cooperation)과 동맹(alliance)을 더욱 강화하는 행동을 한다고 본다. 동북아시아의 국가들도 자국의 군사력을 지속 증강하고 있으며, 특히 중국의 급속한 부상으로 국제 안보환경의 급격한 변화에 주변 국가들은 촉각을 세우고 경계심을 늦추지 않고 있다. 중국은 2030년대 중국 창군 100주년과 더불어 '국방 및 군현대화'를 실현하고, 2050년대 건국 100주년에 '세계일류군대건설'을 목표로 하고 있다. 그리고 미국은 국제사회의 협력과 동맹 강화 등 중국 견제에 분주하다. 미국과 중국이 패권경쟁이 진행되고 있는 상황에서 동북아시아의 안보환경과 힘의 역학관계도 서서히 변하고 있다. 세력균형이론에 기초하여 2030년 이후 동북아시아의 힘의 분포 변화와 함의를 살펴보고자 한다.