• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.15-28
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• 1994

The value of housewife occupation is likely to be underestimated because of its invisibility and myth. This study was performed to investigate social meaning of housewife occupation in the modern society using concept of psychological benefit and cost of full-time housewife. Subjectively even if housewife occupation was perceived as benefit in some aspects full-time housewife was not considered as favorable status but as costly one compared to employed housewife. The perceptions of benefit and cost of housewife occupation were different from some characteristics of housewife and related to the content of works. Finally the estimation of housewife occupation was more influenced by psychological variables rather than conditions and situations of housewife. these results suggested that psychological meaning of housewife occupation is important to understand issues related to the housewife.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.29-45
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• 2004

This ethnographic case-study explores the interpretation and behavior in job considering among full-time housewives. The participants of this study are eleven middle class full-time housewives in their thirties and forties. In-depth interviews based on an unstructured Questionnaire were conducted for this study. Findings are as follows: Six full-time housewives tend to think their full-time housewife-lives more convenient, something unable to substitute and more profitable compared to the counter partner's lives. But they are classified into two groups according to the satisfaction for full-time housewife life. One group has found out more positive meaning in their life but the other group has not yet and they are doubtful about real life and other opportunity. In Contrast, other five full-time housewives tend to interpret employment as a more productive source to secure family resource for their children's education and repay the loan used to buy larger apartment. And the job is considered to confirm her own individuality and the feeling for the social entity as a competent social entity. But two of them who have never been employed do not try to get a job as a new identity alternative. And the various elements like household income, job experience, health, children's age and husband's attitude to his wife's employment etc. are defined to influence the interpretation and the job considering behavior among full-time housewives.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.49-66
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• 1996

The purpose of this study is to identify how the households invest in their children as a human capital. In addition, contributing factors to households' human capital investment was examined. The results of this study are as follows; First, Average number of children 2 children of surveyed housewives, full time housewives had more time spent for children than working counterparts. The former spent 6.8 hours a day with the latter 4.98 hour a day while both of them shared the most time in nonphysical care of their children. meanwhile, money paid for children was that full time housewife family spent 1,014,000 and a working housewife family paid 974,000. Second, In the full time housewives, total amount of time housewives spend for their children was greatly influenced by the income, the age of the youngest child, and emotional value. The housewives' educational level, life cycle, and an income were a significant impact on money investment. Total investment was influenced by the housewives' educational level, life cycle, income, and the number of children.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.109-124
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• 2006

The purpose of this ethnography is to describe and analyse the Korean full-time housewives' everyday domestic cares. For this purpose. The 11 full-time housewives in their thirties and forties from the middle class were interviewed with an unstructured questionnaire. The findings are as follows: The full-time housewives interpret their domestic cares as including housework, financial management and consumption behavior. They have heavy responsibility to fulfil the routine housework, squeeze their financial resources and balance their family consumption and their own consumption. So, their every day lift has its own uniqueness different from their counter partners'- husband's and employed married woman's. But even among full-time housewives, there are many differences in all these three activities of domestic cares.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.45-65
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate the participation in social activities by full-time housewives with infants and preschool children. The data in this study comes from a 1 percent free sample of the 2010 Population and Housing Census collected by Statistics Korea. The statistical methods for this study were percentage, chi-square test, and logistic regression analysis. The findings are as follows. First, there are differences in participation in social activities according to number of infants, number of preschool children, and number of elementary schoolchildren. Second, there was the difference in participation in social activities between full-time housewives and full-time wives' husbands. Third, factors like full-time housewives' age, educational level, number of preschool children and elementary schoolchildren, number of rooms, and occupancy status affected participation in social activities by full-time housewives. These results show that full-time housewives were under pressure in relation to participation in social activities because of their caregiving labor but participated in religious and educational activities actively.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.19-29
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• 1995

This study is to analyze the effect of neighborhood commercial facilities on the homeproduction activities and the family expenditure(or household work time). For this purpose. data are collected by using questionnaires distributed to 522 housewives in Seoul. The results shows that in the highly goods-intensive environment. the way of homeproduction is goods-intensive. Market dependence of the family is affected by homeproduction predisposition. income. and husband's job. Household work dependence of the .family is affected by neighborhood facility environment. family type. income. and house value. Low home production supportability is apparent in the high family income. full-time housewives and low job status of housewife. On the other hand. high homeproduction supportability is apparent in the moderate income and high job status of housewife. As a result. housewives have much time and money resourses are not well supported by the neighborhood facility environment.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.723-739
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• 2004

This study examines how full-time housewives manage family resources, make decisions, handle pressures, and negotiate the constraints of everyday life in a society that places unrealistic expectations upon them. We approached housewives with an assumption that they are individuals who think, strategize, and solve problems. We also imagined that they are capable of speaking for themselves and making choices under situational and personal limits. Eleven full-time housewives were interviewed on how they experience their marriage, child (or children), family, and society. Their narratives were then analyzed to sort out the strategies the women employ to maintain their identities. The narratives demonstrate the women's will and agency as they work to resolve the contradictions from their daily life, and reveal individual differences in their midst, despite the fact that they had been often considered homogeneous.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.47-64
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• 2004

This study compared full-time housewives' propensity for TV home shopping addiction by different socioeconomic, psychological, and purchase-related characteristics. And it identified the factors that influenced full-time housewives' TV home shopping addiction. The data were obtained from a questionnaire completed by full-time housewives (n=225) lived in Seoul and were analyzed by t-tests, ANOVA, and a multiple regression analysis. The findings of this study were as follows: First, full-time housewives' propensity for TV home shopping addiction was higher in the relatively old aged group. Those who graduated from graduate schools had lower scores in the scale of TV shopping addiction. Also, middle income group showed higher propensity for addictive buying. Second, the propensity for TV home shopping addiction was higher among those who had low self-esteem, who had higher level of empty self Also, those who had experienced material compensations as a child showed higher propensity for addictive purchase. Third, the propensity for addictive buying in TV home shopping was higher among those who had higher propensity for materialism, who took a serious view of markers or friends. Those who abuse their credit cards were more likely to have TV home shopping addiction.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.537-553
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• 2004

This ethnographic case-study explores the daily experiences in child-rearing and education among Korean full-time housewives. For this purpose, 11 full-time housewives in their thirties and forties from the middle class were interviewed with an unstructured questionnaire. The findings are as follows: Full-time housewives tend to assume the full responsibility for child-caring and education. Their time is structured around the schedules of caring children and participating in educational programs for children. The most demanding tasks for them include preparing for a preschool, getting the children ready for school, rendering supports for children's schools, extra curricular education, and arranging and offering gift money to teachers. They feel that their husbands do not provide enough supports for child-caring and education. Despite all the negative experiences, Korean full-time housewives put in whatever they have to make sure their children's well-being and to provide the best education possible for their children; the maternal identity plays a role of the utmost importance in them.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.123-136
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• 1998

The purpose of this study is to define the structure and characteristics of the time shared with parents and children. The three specific questions are asked. (1) How much time do parents and children share with? (2) What kind of effects do the demographic factors and the psychosocial factors have on the time shared with parents and children? (3) And how can the families be classified into different types according to the time shared with parents and children? For the empirically proved answers the 161 full0time housewife couples and the 174 wife employed couples in Seoul and Kyoungki-do are surveyed with a self reported time diary and a structured questionare. Such statistical methods as frequency percentage mean tobit analysis cluster analysis oneway ANOVA and Ducan's multiple range test are used to analize the data Main findings from this empirical study can be summarised like this. First the two largest parts of the time shared with parents and children are eating and TV atching. Second the eldest child's age degree of wife's education the number of children wife's employment status family income degree of the family cohesion the couple's attitude toward marriage and role salience are significantly related to the various kind of time shared with parents and children. Third the families are classified by the time shared with parents and children into three types. type 1: the family shared least time with type 2: the family shared passive leisure with type 3: the family shared active leisure with. Type 3 has very distinctive characteristics. This type of family's eldest child is youger than any other family's and this type of family has a full time housewife. And their family cohesion is higher and their couple's relationship is oriented more companionship.