• Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.199-210
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• 1996

Infantile hypertrophic pyloric stenosis(IHPS), which occurs three of 1,000 live births, is a major cause of nonbilious vomiting of early infancy but its etiology and pathogenesis are still obscure. The operation of pyloromyotomy as described by Ramstedt in 1912 remains the standard of care for the treatment of IHPS. From January 1993 to October 1996, 35 infants with IHPS were surgically treated and the following results were obtained. 1. Thirty-five patients comprised 32 males and 3 females, and the ratio of male to female was 10.7:1. 2. The most prevalent age group was between 2 weeks and 8 weeks. 3. Of 35 infants, first born babies were 23 cases(65.7%). 4. Breast feeding was in 23 cases(65.7%). 5. The body weight percentile at admission was lower than 50 percentile in all 35 cases. 6. Onset of symptoms was predominantly between 1week and 2 weeks in 11 cases(31.4%). 7. All had a history of nonbilious vomting, generally projectile in nature. 8. In the measured serum electrolytes, hypokalemia was noted in 9 cases(25.7%), hypochloremia was observed in 14 cases(40.0%). 9. In the preoperative ultrasonography, the average muscle thickness, diameter, and length of the pylorus were 6.2mm, 12.1mm, and 17.9mm, respectively. 10. Among 35 cases, significant sonographic criteria of IHPS, muscle thickness of 5mm or more, were noted in 26 cases(83.9%). 11. A total of seven associated anomalies were noted in six patients. 12. All 35 cases were treated with Fredet-Ramstedt pyloromyotomy. 13. There were postoperative complications of wound infection in 2 cases. Intermittent nonprojectile vomiting was presented in 8 cases(22.9%) after operation, but one of them was relieved in 13 days and the rest were relieved within one week by adjustment of oral intake.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Inherited Metabolic disease
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.18-23
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• 2016

Objective: Newborn screening leads to improved treatment and disease outcomes, but false-positive newborn screening results may impact include parental stress and anxiety, perception of child as unhealthy, parent-child relationship dysfunction, and increased infant hospitalizations. The purpose of this study was to investigate of the false positive rates and the causative factors of false positive results in Tandem Mass Spectrometry (TMS) in single center. Methods: Records were reviewed for all 18,872 subjects who were born in Cheill General Hospital, during January 1st, 2012 to December 31st, 2014. 17,292 neonates (91.62%) were tested for tandem mass screening almost in 2-5th day of life. Newborn babies whose first results were abnormal had been tested repeatedly by same methods in 7-14 day. If the results were abnormal again, further evaluation was performed. TMS analysis included data for the 43 disorders screened for using TMS broken down into three categories: fatty acid oxidation disorders, organic acidurias, and aminoacidopathies. The impact of several factors on increased false positive rates was analyzed using a multivariate analysis: time from birth to sample collection, birth weight, birth height, BMI, gender, gestational age, delivery type. Results: Males of the subjects were 8942 (51.7%), female 8350 (48.3%), the mean gestational age was $38.6{\pm}1.7$ weeks, the average birth weight $3,155.6{\pm}502.4g$, the average birth height $49.1{\pm}2.9cm$, and the average BMI $13.0{\pm}3.8(kg/m^2)$. Vaginal delivery cases were 9713 (56.2%), caesarean section 7,579 (43.8%). The average date of the inspection was $2.8{\pm}1.1$ days. 224 cases were identified as TMS positive. All the subjects were false positive (222/17,292, 1.30%) except 2 cases (1 male; benign phenylketonuria and 1 female; Short chain acyl-CoA dehydrogenase deficiency). The false positive rates were 0.61% in fatty acid oxidation disorders, 0.25% in organic acidurias, and 0.45% in aminoacidopathies. In our study, the date of inspection got late, the false positive rates got higher. Because almost the cases of late test date were in treatment in neonatal intensive care unit so their test date was affected by their medical conditions. False positive rate was higher in extreme immaturity${\leq}27$ weeks than newborns of gestational age >27 weeks [OR=6.957 (CI=1.273-38.008), p<0.025] and extremely low birth weight<1,000 g than newborns of birthweight ${\geq}1,000g$ [OR=5.616 (CI=1.134-27.820), p<0.035]. Conclusion: False positive rate of TMS was 1.30% in Cheil General Hospital. Lower gestational age and birth weight impacted on increased false positive rates. Better understanding of factors that influence the reporting of screening tests, and the ability to modify these important factors, may improve the screening process and reduce the need for retesting. of screening tests, and the ability to modify these important factors, may improve the screening process and reduce the need for retesting.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.48 no.12
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• pp.1342-1347
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• 2005

Purpose : Among perinatal risk factors, neonatal seizures are one of the strongest independent discriminators of adverse outcome, representing high risks of mortality and neurologic morbidity. This study was undertaken to evaluate the neurologic outcome of neonatal status epilepticus according to underlying etiology, seizure pattern, onset time, and duration. Methods : We reviewed retrospectively 36 neonates(19 males, 17 females) with status epilepticus who were admitted to the neonatal intensive care unit, Inha Hospital between July, 1988 and June, 2003. They were evaluated with neurologic examination, laboratory data, EEG findings, and neuroimaging studies etc. Results : The mean gestational period of the patients was $37.0{\pm}3.6$ weeks and birth weight was $2.70{\pm}0.82$ kilogram. Fifty two point eight percent of the neonates were male and 66.7 percent were born at term. The most common cause of neonatal status epilepticus was hypoxic-ischemic encephalopathy. In preterm babies, intracranial hemorrhages showed an especially high frequency(P=0.034). Gestational age and birth weight did not show a correlation with neurologic complications. The incidence of neurological sequelae were significantly related to prolonged seizures lasting more than 1 hour(P=0.002). Neonates with seizures within the first 72 hours tended to be more frequent among those who developed adverse outcomes(P=0.016). Generalized tonic seizures had the worst prognosis, whereas those children who had subtle seizures had better outcomes than any other type(P<0.05). Generalized tonic seizures were primarily represented on EEG by abnormal background, whereas subtle seizure showed a significantly more normal EEG than any other seizures(P<0.05). Conclusion : Our results indicate that neonatal status epilepticus with early onsets, prolonged durations. And generalized tonic types can predict an increased risk for neurologic sequelae. So, those seizures must be perceived as medical emergencies and treated aggressively with antiepileptic drugs.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.51 no.12
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• pp.1315-1319
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• 2008

Purpose : We aimed to examine the effect of rooming-in care on newborn infants emotional stability by comparing them with those cared for in a nursery. Methods : Forty-eight full-term newborn infants born at Cheil General Hospital between July 1 and October 31, 2007, were enrolled. Twenty-four newborn infants were roomed-in in their mothers rooms (rooming-in group), and 24 newborns were cared for in the hospital nursery (the nursery group) for the first 3 days of their lives. Those with perinatal problems that required medical treatment were excluded. By using Brazeltons neonatal behavior assessment scale, we measured irritability and self-quieting as well as the duration of crying after heel-stick puncture for the newborn metabolic screening test. Results : The rooming-in group had a higher irritability score than the nursery group ($6.8{\pm}1.7$ vs. $4.2{\pm}2.1$, P<0.001), thereby suggesting stable behavior against external irritation; the former also had a higher self-quieting activity score ($5.9{\pm}0.3$ vs. $4.5{\pm}1.8$, P=0.001), thereby suggesting that stability was reached quickly from the irritated state. Time taken to stop crying after the heel-stick puncture was significantly shorter in the rooming-in group than in the nursery group ($17{\pm}15.1$ seconds vs. $115.3{\pm}98.5$ seconds, P<0.001). Conclusion : These results show that newborn infants in the rooming-in group exhibit more stable behavior against external irritation and can be stabilized from an irritated state more quickly than infants cared for in the nursery, even after a few days of rooming-in care.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.192-211
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• 2021

In Seongju, Gyengsangbuk-do, the Placenta Chamber (胎室, Taesil) of 18 sons and a son of the crown prince of King Sejong(世宗大王) is located in one place. Taesil refers to the place where the umbilical cord and placenta, which are separated when the baby is born, are placed in a jar made of pottery and stone box and then buried on the ground. The placenta chamber in Seongju has the Buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) cover buried on the ground to protect the baby's placenta. These covers are all hemispherical, with a diameter of more the 20cm. The decorations were made using black and white inlaid techniques only on the outside. The Buncheong ware cover with this shape and pattern has been confirmed only in the placenta chamber in Seongju. This study targets 6 of the Buncheong ware cover whose owners were identified, when and where they were prepared, what the stylistic features and meanings are, and where it was produced. The results of the study are as follows. First, ss a result of reviewing the production background and procurement system of this bowl, it was inferred that it was sourced from Jangheunggo (長興庫) at the central government office, between 1436 and 1439, when the event to bury the placenta of royal members in the ground was the most active. Second, it analyzed the unique features of this cover, such as the shape, pattern, and baked traces. The shape and pattern were compared to the ritual objects contained in the Sejong Silok Oryeui (『世宗實錄』 「五禮」, Five Rites of King Sejong Chronicle) and the lid of the royal placenta jar made in the 15th and 16th centuries. Third, this study suggests that the baking method was based on the shape and location of the traces remaining outside the cover. Finally, the following data were used to estimate the production site: the relationship with the 'Jagiso (磁器所, ceramic workshop) registered in the Sejong Silok Jiriji (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, Geographical Appendix of King Sejong Chronicle); various records of contribution and dedication about the Buncheong ware made here; and the Buncheong ware and related tools excavated from the kiln site in the area. The place where the Buncheong ware cover was produced is estimated to be the most likely production site for the kiln site in Chunghyo-dong Kiln Site, located in Jeolla-do province by synthesizing the data above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.80-99
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• 2012

It is known that there are two Gabong taesil (shrine for King's umbilical cord) of King Danjong, the 6th king of Joseon, remaining today. One of them is Mt. Sogok in Sacheon-city, Gyeongsangnam-do and the other is Mt. Beomnim in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do. The academic sector argued about this matter as there cannot be two Gabong taesil for one king. I once argued that Taesil on Mt. Beomnim in Seongju is King Danjong's Gabong taesil and Danjong taesil in Sacheon is the one for Prince Inseongdaegun, the eldest son of King Yejong. At that time, however, I had not examined the archaeological relics found in these places. In result of making an archaeological approach, I have come to the following conclusions :1. King Danjong had two Taesil : Agi taesil(shrine for baby's umbilical cord) and Gabong taesil. The first Agi taesil was created on Taebong of Mt. Seonseok in Seongju on November 26, 1441, but was moved to Mt. Beomnim in Seongju in 1451 to form the second Agi taesil. In 1458, King Sejo eliminated his Taesil. The stone structures of Gabong taesil still remains on Taebong of Mt. Beomnim, so it has been assumed that King Danjong established them during his reign (1452-1455). 2. Taesil in Sacheon has been known as King Danjong's Taesil because of King Danjong's reinstatement during the reign of King Sukjong. His Taesil was repaired with the reinstatement and King Sukjong was mistaken that Taesil in Sacheon was King Danjong's Taesil to fix it. The time of restoration has been assumed to be soon after the restoration of King Danjong's tomb (1699-1719). Taesil is missing the book of records and rails around the stone structure because the tombs of reinstated kings were restored without rails. 3. It is incorrect that Taesil in Sacheon was known as King Danjong's Taesil, It has been concluded that this Taesil was for Prince Inseongdaegun who was born in 1462. I focused on the fact that Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil was in Seosamneung Taesil instead of King Danjong's Taesil. When Yiwangjik stored King Danjong's Taesil in Seoul in 1928 and moved it to Seosamneung in 1930, he found that the epitaph on the tombstone recorded that it was Prince Inseongdaegun, not King Danjong, and created Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil in Seosamneung. I referred to "Taebong", which was created when Seosamneung Taesil was built during the Japanese imperial rule over Joseon, and the relics found in Taesil in Sacheon and Seosamneung.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.415-447
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• 2009

It is encouraging fact that people are more interested in collecting modern archaic art objects of Korea with broadening spectrum of research these days. For the research in this area is significant in that it makes us learn the level of collection and appreciation which were prevalent at the end of the Josen Age by trend of preferring Occidental pictures as well as modern change in the form of collection, and enables us to reconstruct the history of modern art objects in East Asia. Except Jeon, Hyung-Pil(全鎣弼: 1906-1962), the modern collectors of Korea were not studied in details with respect to the course or contents of collection. Besides Jeon, Hyung Pil, the main modern collectors of Korea were Park, Young-cheol(朴榮喆: 1879-1939), Kim, Yong-jin(金容鎭: 1882-1968), Ham, Seok-tae(咸錫泰: 1889-?), Kim, Sung-soo(金性洙: 1891-1955), Choi, Chang-hak(崔昌學: 1891-?), Jang, Taek-sang(張澤相: 1893-1969), Kim, Chan-young(金瓚泳: 1893-?), Lee, Han-bok(李漢福: 1897-1940), Park, Chang-hun(朴昌薰: 1898-1951), Baek, In-je(白麟濟: 1898-?), Lee, Byung-jik(李秉直: -1973), et al. The object of this publication in serial form is to trace and identify the life, collected articles and contents of collection of Korean collectors who intensively collected archaic art objects in the modern age of Korea, especially, under the rule of Japanese imperialism. The first person to be introduced in this publication in serial form is Jang, Taek Sang, a leading figure in the political history of Korea. Born as the son of wealthy man, he ascended to the position of prime minister, leading a dramatic life. Being a distinguished orator, Jang, Taek Sang was well known as an appreciator and collector of picture, calligraphy and pottery. As one of the collectors of main cultural property under the rule of Japanese imperialism, Jang, Taek Sang collected countless distinguished heritages, most of which were lost during the Korean War. As he became a candidate for president to compete with Lee, Seung Man later, he sold main heritages. Thus, nearly all of the collected articles were scattered.

• Child Health Nursing Research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.93-111
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• 1996

The purpose of the study is to identify the lived experience of mothers who have children with cerebral palsy in order to understand their agony. Moreover, the result of study was to find some nursing intervention for disabled children and their mothers. For this purpose, ten mothers who are willing to cooperate with this research were selected at random from those who have children with the cerebral palsy, currently using the municipal facilities for the handicapped with cerebral malfunction. Data collection was done from October 4, 1994 th December 31, 1994. The data were collected by asking the mothers mentioned above with some unstructured open-ended questions, recorded on the tapes with permission by the interviewee in order to prevent missing of the interviewed contents. These collected data have been substantiated and properly analyzed on the basis of phenomenological approach initiated by Colaizzi's method. The results and validity are proved to be credible by means of the individual checking of the interviewed mothers. The results of this study are as follows : 1. When the mother is first informed of the diagnosis of cerebral palsy on her child, she usually misses the crucial timing needed for proper treatment of the child's disorder because she is notified through the doctor's indifference and his apparently inactive, matter-of-fact attitude. At first she suspects the doctor's diagnosis and tries to attribute it to the unknown cause from a certain genetic problem and then she quickly wants to deny the whole situation that her child is really suffering from the cerebral palsy. The reality is too much for her to accept as it is and she would not believe her child is abnormal. Therefore, she even attempts depend on the power of God for its solution. 2. The mother, who goes thorough this kind of uncommon experiences, is totally devoted to the treatment and care of the child and completely ignores her own life and happiness. At the same time, she feels sorry for her other normal children she believes having not enough care and concern. Also, she feels sorry for the sick child when the child's brothers or sisters show special concern for the patient out of sympathy. It is sorry and not satisfied for her that the child is growing with abnormality and neighbor other around have inappropriate attitudes. Likewise, she is discontent with her husband's lack of concern about the child's treatment. She believes that the health care system in this society isn't fulfilling its due purpose. In the state of her utmost distress and anxiety, she always feels the need of competent consultants, and is angry about that her child is treated as an abnormal being, she is trying to hide the child from other people and to make him or her disappear, if possible. Although she doesn't have harmonious relation with her husband, she id happy when he shows his affection for the child and she feels relieved and thankful when the relatives don't mention about the child's condition Since the child's overall status of health is continuously in unstable conditions, requiring her all-time readiness for an emergency, she feels guilty of her child's illness toward the fEmily members as if it was her own fault to have borne such an abnormal child and she feels responsible for the child morally and financially if necessary Because her life is centered on taking care of the child, she cannot afford to enjoy her own life and happiness. She is a lonely mother, fatigued, with no proper relationship with other people around her. With this sense of guilt and responsibility as a mother of an unusual disease, she has no choice but to grieve her destiny from which she is not allowed to escape. 3. Nevertheless, the mother with the child suffering from the cerebral palsy does not easily give up the hope of getting her child cured and she believes that in the long run, though slower than hoped, her abnormal son or daughter will be eventually cured to become a normal sibling someday. This kind of hope is sustained by the mother's strong faith coming from observing the progress of other similar children getting better. Sometimes she is encouraged to have this faith by other mothers who share the same painful experiences, believing that her child will improve even more rapidly than others with the same palsy. Full of hope, she painstakingly waits for the child's healing. Moreover, she plans to have another child. she thinks that the patient child's brothers and sisters only can truly understand and look after the patients. However, when she notices that the progress of other children under the treatment does not look so hopeful, she is distressed by the thoughts that her child may never get well. Too, she is worried that the patient's brother or sister will be born as the same invalid with the cerebral disease. She is discouraged to have another baby as much as she is encouraged to. She is also troubled by the thought that in case she has another baby, she will have to be forced. to neglect the patient child, especially when she does have an extra hand or some reliable person to help her with taking care of the patient.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
• /
• v.10
• /
• pp.1-40
• /
• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.