• Title/Summary/Keyword: feast

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Effects of Mowing (Beolcho) Timing and Height on Growth Characteristics of Zoysia japonica and Z. matrella before Chuseok (추석 전 잔디 깍기(벌초) 시기 및 높이에 따른 들잔디와 금잔디의 생육)

  • Chang, Seog-Won;Koo, Jun-Hak;Sung, Chang-Hyun;Lee, Jeong-Ho;Park, Sho-Jun;Jee, Jae-Uk;Youn, Jeong-Ho
    • Weed & Turfgrass Science
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    • v.7 no.2
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    • pp.140-147
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    • 2018
  • In Korea, mowing the grass of a grave (Beolcho) is a very important event preceded by Chuseok (Korean thanks giving day) and Si-Hyang (annual ancestral feast). Because Beolcho usually takes place one or two weeks before Chuseok, the traffic accidents on roads are getting worse and safety accidents are getting more and more. Erroneous Beolcho methods can cause the soil to be exposed and cause the loss of soil or the low shoot density of graveyard grass or weed occurrence. Therefore, the dispersion of the Beolcho timing and the approprite method can be import issues. The present study assessed the effects of grass mowing timing and height before Chuseok on the growth of Zoysia japonica and Z. matrella. The mowing timing was evaluated at 1 week, 2 weeks, 3 weeks, and 4 weeks before Chuseok, and the mowing height differently according to the two type of grass. In Z. japonica, the faster mowing before Chuseok, the longer the plant height, and the coverage rate and shoot density were higher. In Z. matrella, the faster mowing, the longer the shoot length, but the coverage rate and shoot density did not show any difference or tendency. As compared to Z. japonica, the plant height of Z. matrella was kept short regardless of the time of mowing. In both grasses, the plant height was shortened when mowing was done at low cutting height, but the coverage rate and shoot density were decreased. In addition, it was shown that it is advantageous to maintain the shoot density of graveyard lawn by 40-50 mm or 30-40 mm cutting above the ground for Z. japonica or Z. matrella, respectively.

Research on Shumi-sen, Built by Baekjae Nohjagong - Excavation of Japanese Stone God Ruins, Centered on Mt. Sumeru Stone - (백제 노자공이 조성한 수미산에 대한 연구 - 일본 석신유적에서 발굴된 수미산석을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Kyu-Wan
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.5
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    • pp.113-121
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    • 2010
  • Shumi-sen(須彌山), built by Nohjagong(路子工) in the southern garden of the Palace Garden during the Asuka Period, is understood as being Sumeru based on an Indian perspective of the theory of the origin of universe. It is also viewed as Mt. Myogoh from a Chinese Buddhist worldview. It is thought to be a type of assembled stone structure with Poong-ryoon (風輪)-Su-ryoon(水輪)-Geum-ryoon(金輪)-Ji-ryoon(地輪) carved into each of the 4 stone pieces. These building shapes are thought to have been utilized as stone for exterior construction as opposed to those structures built during the Shilla Period of China and Korea. Aside from Nohjagong's record of Shumi-sen, most of the records from Japan's period of the time suggest that Shumi-sen was an important element that played a role in the scenery of the seasonal outdoor gardens. It is also thought, from the sentences and expressions surrounding the records, that a combination of the seasonal sceneries was utilized centered on Shumi-sen, and that they were all used during festival events. From a perspective of analysis and interpretation dependent on the limited literature and on observation, it cannot be verified whether the Mt. Sumeru Stone(須彌山石) excavated from the Stone God Ruins is the same Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built along with Okyo(吳橋), but it is thought that the 'Shumi-sen type stone structure' that was later built repeatedly as part of the palace garden facilities is identical to the Shumi-sen built at the Imperial Palace's southern garden, or at least a re-built structure based on the Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built with stones and ponds used to create the foundation. Thus, Shumi-sen that Nohjagong supposedly built along with Okyo is suspected to be a figurative rock arrangement and, at the same time, a miniaturized scenic rock arrangement(縮景樹石) that maximized the shape of Buddhism's Shumi-sen. On the other hand, the surface pattern on Mt. Sumeru Stone is very similar to the multi -layers of mountainous pattern icons expressed in the patterns of the Great Golden Incense Burner(百濟金銅大香爐) or Mountain-Water Scenery Sculptural Brick(山水山景紋?) that were built during the Baekjae pcriod aod the rear side of Hwalsuk-jebul Basal Byungipsang(滑石諸佛菩薩竝立像); it is suspected that similar patterns would have been used if patterns were made on Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built. Also in consideration of the physical theory of MI. Sumeru Stone, the Siphon theory of using a pressure difference in water level was applied to the fountain facilities of Mt. Sumeru Stone that seemed to have been built from the practical rock arrangement perspective for the purpose of feasts, etc.

An Investigation of Local Naming Issue of Phoenix dactylifera (대추야자나무(Phoenix dactylifera)의 명칭문제 고찰)

  • Kim, Young-Sook
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.1
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    • pp.34-44
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    • 2018
  • In the Ancient Mesopotamia, Egypt, Judas, Greece, and Rome, Phoenix dactylifera was planted in gardens or orchards to signify life, blessing, and victory. Branches of Phoenix dactylifera, likened to high and precious, were referred to one of the gifts to the king in the second century BC and have been used in the Feast of Tabernacles. And they were engraved on the walls of the temple and along with cherub. Besides, Phoenix dactylifera is compared with a righteous person in the Bible since it grows straight despite strong winds. And, it was used as a symbol of honesty, justice, and right. Churches call the week before Easter Palm Sunday since the crowd laid the leaves of date palm trees on the road and shouted "Hosanna" while waving the date palm branches when Jesus entered Jerusalem. Moreover, pilgrim in the Middle Ages was called 'Palmer' in English due to custom of returning with the leaves and branches of date palm trees as a memorial of the Holy Land pilgrimage. This study analyzes naming issue of Phoenix dactylifera through the old literature and 27 versions of the most influential Bibles in History of Bible Translation in Korea, China, and Japan. Phoenix dactylifera is translated into Chinese as '棕櫚(Trachycarpus fortunei)', a native tree of China. 棕櫚 is similar to Phoenix dactylifera, but its fruit and leaf are quite distinct. This being so, translating Phoenix dactylifera as 棕櫚 has a limit to convey symbolic meaning adequately. In the Japanese Bible, on the other hand, Phoenix dactylifera is translated as 'なつめやし(Natsumeyashi)' meant date palm tree. Most of Protestant Bible in Korea use 'Jongryeo' like Chinese Bible while translation in Korean Catholic Bible(2005) varies from one scripture to another: 'Yaja Namu (Palm Tree)' - 38 times, 'Jongryeo Namu' - 5 times, and 'Daechu Yaja Namu (Date Palm Tree)' - 3 times. Date Palm Tree, 'Jongryeo Tree', and Palm Tree don't grow in Korea. However, they had long been recognized as Haejo(海棗), Jongryeo(?櫚), and Yaja(椰子) respectively through China and Japan. Each of them called by a distinct name correspond with its own characteristic and used separately in Korean Classics as Jongryeo and Haejo were identified in ancient Chinese literatures. It seems that more confusion was raised since 'Palm' was translated as 'Jongryeo' in several books including "?藤和英大辭典 (1915)", "Modern 朝鮮外來語辭典(1938)", and "Latin-Korean Dictionary(1995)". However, the Latin term 'Palmae' is translated into English as either palm tree or date palm. The results of this study suggest that more accurate translation of Phoenix dactylifera in the Bible would be 'Daechu Yaja Namu (Date Palm Tree)' and using different name fit for its own characteristic would be more appropriate.

Play as heortē and scholē ('헤오르테'(heortē)와 '스콜레'(scholē)로서 놀이)

  • Lee, Sang-bong
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.129
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    • pp.193-217
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    • 2014
  • The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the meaning of play which constitutes the genuine happiness of human being in Plato's '$heort{\bar{e}}$' and Aristotle's '$schol{\bar{e}}$'. Until now '$heort{\bar{e}}$', a divine act which communicate with original divinity, was differentiated from paidia. And '$schol{\bar{e}}$' was understood as activities in spare time opposed to labour. Plato put '$heort{\bar{e}}$' at the center of their life as a means for gods' blessing. Aristotle understand '$schol{\bar{e}}$' as free activities and the completion of individual life. For Aristotle play is not only a freedom from labour but also a supreme activity. Play itself is an end and a completion. Play is the essence of human life so man can be happy with play. Play is the activity of joy. And play is the most intellectual and spontaneous activity. Now we can assert that '$heort{\bar{e}}$' is the original play which elucidate the existence of the human being in connection with world and is the holy mode of play which makes an affluent life of communities. And we can maintain that '$schol{\bar{e}}$' is a mode of play which freed from the burden of labour and elevate the life of human being to academic activities and contemplative life. By this interpretation we can expose that play is the center of life. We can see the two fold meaning of apollonian-dionysian play and the perfect harmony of communities in Plato's '$heort{\bar{e}}$'. We can see also the delight as splendidness of life in Aristotle's '$schol{\bar{e}}$'. The Plato's theory of play seems different from Aristotle's. But their theories are the same in the general, because they both put play at the center of life and they equally assert that we have to live with playing our life. The world in which play is in harmony with labour- this world is their utopia.

Jeong Jeongryeol-je Choonhyangga's full transmission and differentiation according to the pansori schools or versions (정정렬제 춘향가의 전승 및 유파·바디에 따른 분화)

  • Song, Mi-Kyoung
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.39
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    • pp.415-455
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    • 2019
  • This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and "The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju's Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as and , was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions.

Sovereignty and Wine Vessels: The Feast Culture of the Goryeo Court and the Symbolic Meaning of Celadon Wine Vessels (고려 왕실의 연례 문화와 청자 주기(酒器)의 상징적 의미: 왕권과 주기(酒器))

  • Kim Yun-jeong
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.40-69
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    • 2023
  • This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

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