Choi Cheon-yak(about 1684~1755) is an artist who left the various artistic works such as sculptures of royal tombs, architectures. In addition, he was not only a skilled caster but also an able artisan carving jade in the early Joseon Dynasty period. Starting from making royal seals of King Suk-jong, he had made more than about 40 Royal seals until 1755. Choi Cheon-yak was well known as a skilled jade craftsman. Another of his great abilities was to carve subjects into ideal figures. In virtue of his greater abilities, he could take part in the process of constructing Royal tombs and sculpting the stone statues of military officials' which were erected at aristocrats' tombs. With these accumulated skills, when he was in charge of designing the folding screen stones for King In-jo's Jang Neong, he could even replace 12 animals system and clouds with peonies and lotus. Among his various abilities, his skill in carving a sculpture can stand comparison with any other contemporaries. His sculpture skill was at its zenith in 1752, the stone statues of military officials' at the Ui soseson's tomb count his showpiece that describes a model at the age of his late teens and is a realistic and portrayal sculpture, which met the royal family's dignity. In the same year, the stone statues of military officials' constructed by Choi Cheon-yak was elected in front of the Jo Hyen-myeong's tomb(1690~1752). This masterpiece referred to the armor of those of King Gong-min Neong and newly added a helmet and the patterns of a tortoise shell. These patterns of a tortoise shell were passed down to Park Moon-su's tomb in 1756 and Queen Jeong-sung's Hong Neung by his colleagues : Kim Ha-jeong and Byeon Yi-jin etc. He was one of the greatest sculptors in the $18^{th}$ century. People in Joseon praised him highly for his imaginative work from an amorphous object. Especially, these stone statues of military at Jo Hyeonmyeong's tomb shows the proofs of his supreme artwork.
The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.
Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.
In this article, we examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo, the 22nd King of the Joseon dynasty located in Yongwol, Gangwondo. The Jangtae culture - burial of the navel cord - is a unique Royal ritual which began during the Shilla dynasty and continued to be carried out for a long period until the Koryo and Joseon dynasties. Until today, about 300 Taebong sites have been discovered, most of which are the Taebong of the decedents of the royal family of the Joseon Kingdom. Most Taeshils built for Kings of the Joseon dynasty were destroyed during the Japanese colonial period, among which only a few have been recovered and managed across the nation. The Taeshil of King Jungjo is one of the leading examples among existing Taeshils in Korea which has managed to preserve well enshrined relics as well as literature documents including stone relics in perfect sets. Thus, in order to examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo comprehensively, first of all literary materials related to the construction of King Jungjo's Taeshil such as the Josunwangjosilrok - "Annals of the Choson Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄)". "Jungjongdaewang Taesilgabong Euigwe (正宗大王胎室加封儀軌) - Royal activities related to Taeshil, and local historic documents etc were searched and put together, while a focus was placed on examining the geographical location and state of the Taebong, including the specific style of each part of the Taeshil stone and characteristics of enshrined relics. Such materials are believed to have important utility in the future as a basic material to be used for research, maintenance, and restoration of Taeshil relics. So far, Taeshil relics is a field that has not been able to attract much attention from the academic world, however attention has begun to be paid to Taeshil relics due to recent archaeological excavations as well as an approach to artistic history. Academic research results are expected if Taeshil relics are able to be examined comprehensively in future covering various areas such as literature history, archaeology, and artistic history etc.
The palaces in South Korea are largely divided into primary palaces (法宮) and secondary palaces (離宮). In the early Joseon period, the primary palace was Gyeongbokgung Palace, and the secondary palace was Changdeokgung Palace. Additionally, there is the concept of imperial palaces (正宮). Gyeongbokgung Palace was the primary palace and the imperial palace. The topography of Gyeongbokgung is based on Mt. Baegak, which is the symbol of royal authority. The location of the palaces was chosen to highlight the king's dignity and authority. The three gates and three courts (三門三朝) were positioned on a straight line based on one axis along the ridge of Mt. Baegak to establish the legitimacy, hierarchy, and unity of the kingship. The secondary palace was built according to the demands of the king and the royal family or the political situation. It was created as a royal living space; thus, creating independent and diverse spaces along multiple axes. The primary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yang, and the secondary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yin; the criteria for laying buildings in the palace areas had to be different. The most important point in the formation of Joseon palaces was that the secret vital energy for the king (王氣) originated from the sacred mountain. Important elements of the palace were the secret vital energy chain of feng shui (風水氣脈) and the forbidden stream (禁川). The secret vital energy chain of feng shui was the gateway to the secret vital energy for the king, and the forbidden stream was a method of preventing the king from leaving the palace grounds. Gyeongbokgung Palace, which is on typical feng shui terrain, faithfully reflects the principles of feng shui. On the other hand, the secondary palace was built on incomplete and irregular feng shui terrain. Feng shui was part of the nature and the geography of the ruling classes in the Joseon Dynasty. By examining their geography, I believe that the perfection of traditional culture inheritance and restoration can be improved.
This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
/
v.49
no.4
/
pp.15-29
/
2021
The study aims to grasp the perception and appraisal of urban park users through text analysis. This study used Google review data provided by Google Maps. Google Maps Review is an online review platform that provides information evaluating locations through social media and provides an understanding of locations from the perspective of general reviewers and regional guides who are registered as members of Google Maps. The study determined if the Google Maps Reviews were useful for extracting meaningful information about the user perceptions and appraisals for parks management plans. The study chose three urban parks in Seoul, South Korea; Seoul Forest, Boramae Park, and Olympic Park. Review data for each of these three parks were collected via web crawling using Python. Through text analysis, the keywords and network structure characteristics for each park were analyzed. The text was analyzed, as were park ratings, and the analysis compared the reviews of residents and foreign tourists. The common keywords found in the review comments for the three parks were "walking", "bicycle", "rest" and "picnic" for activities, "family", "child" and "dogs" for accompanying types, and "playground" and "walking trail" for park facilities. Looking at the characteristics of each park, Seoul Forest shows many outdoor activities based on nature, while the lack of parking spaces and congestion on weekends negatively impacted users. Boramae Park has the appearance of a city park, with various facilities providing numerous activities, but reviewers often cited the park's complexity and the negative aspects in terms of dog walking groups. At Olympic Park, large-scale complex facilities and cultural events were frequently mentioned, emphasizing its entertainment functions. Google Maps Review can function as useful data to identify parks' overall users' experiences and general feelings. Compared to data from other social media sites, Google Maps Review's data provides ratings and understanding factors, including user satisfaction and dissatisfaction.
The purpose of this study was to classify the types of tweezers used across time and to examine the social culture of periods through the use of tweezers. Chapter II summarized the terms for tweezers and looked at the use of tweezers in two cases related to the social culture and politics of a period. The first is the use of tweezers for beauty purposes. Men used tweezers as a kind of self-management to maintain their social status and power, and thus they helped develop a wide range of tweezers cultures. People with gray hair are usually old. The perception that we should step down from politics when we are aged has become strong. Therefore, politicians pulled out gray hairs with tweezers to maintain only black hair and show youth, which indicates that their social influence is still strong. The second is the use of tweezers for first aid. Chapter III classified tweezers by type during the Goryeo and Joseon periods. The tweezers are largely divided into basic and composite types. The basic type of tweezers is a form that has been continued since the Three Kingdoms Period and consists of tongs and handles, and a fixed type of tweezers with a fixed ring appeared. Composite tweezers are made by grafting earpick or multipurpose knives. Composite tweezers are all-in-one tweezers with an earpick and an all-in-one knife. Tweezers are usually all-in-one. Among the composite tweezers, rivet separation and ring separation are characterized by separation, unlike the all-in-one tweezers. The method of connecting is divided into rivets and connection rings. The all-in-one tweezers appear only during the Goryeo Dynasty and are characterized by the lifestyle that provides a glimpse of the tastes of contemporary users. The manufacturing takes shape after making a thin metal plate. Decorative techniques are carved on soft metal tweezers, such as silver and bronze with a line, point, and a pressed angle. These tweezers are presumed to have been used by the royal family or aristocrats. However, most tweezers are made of strong bronze or iron. Therefore, the majority of simple X-shaped patterns are sampled or without patterns. The biggest reason why there are such diverse types of tweezers is that the culture of tweezers was widespread regardless of the times. In addition, the basic type of tweezers has been used since the Three Kingdoms Period and has been modified and used together as necessary because the shape of tweezers is a practical daily tool. Study of metal crafts have been limited to royal objects and Buddhist crafts. We hope that research on everyday tools such as tweezers will continue to serve as an opportunity to examine the social and cultural aspects of the times in various ways.
The reign of King (later Emperor) Gojong of the Joseon dynasty (later the Korean Empire), which lasted from 1863 to 1907, was a period of turmoil caused by political and social instability at home and military incursions by foreign powers. It was also a period in which Joseon was proclaimed as the Korean Empire and, accordingly, the royal seals of the dynasty underwent a major change. Records show that some 135 seals were produced during the reign of Gojong. The present study of the makers and styles of the royal seals aims to reveal a wealth of information on the seals, which typically had handles in the shape of either a turtle or dragon. Among the seal makers of this era, Jeon Heung-gil was particularly highly regarded as a Golden Royal Seal Artisan (Geumbojang) because he was highly skilled at making both turtle and dragon handles. Kim Eun-seok, a master Jade Royal Seal Artisan (Okbojang), also excelled in the production of turtle and dragon handles for his jade seals. Another master Jade Royal Seal Artisan, Yi Jung-ryeo, is noteworthy because he developed a new style of jade royal seals, which eventually became the dominant style after 1890, when Kim Eun-seok was not active. Furthermore, after the 1890s, his style was also applied to the production of the gold royal seals and developed as the dominant style. Regarding the dragon handles adopted after the proclamation of the Korean Empire, both the golden and the jade royal seals were made in the same style by the same artisans in the service of the Joseon dynasty. They adopted the style of Chinese imperial seals when they began making seals with dragon handles for the Korean Empire, although the basic shapes of both handle and dragon were copied from those made during the Joseon period. As a ceremonial object symbolizing the authority and legitimacy of the royal or imperial family, the style of the royal seals was influenced mainly by changes in the political situation at home and abroad. As Gojong's reign was a period in which more royal seals were made than in the reign of any other ruler, the seals originating from his reign constitute a richer source of information about the efforts of the dynasty to preserve the tradition while effectively dealing with the changes of the new era.
The three-story stone pagodas in Hyeon-ri and Hwacheon-ri,Yeongyang Gyeongsangbuk-do are stone pagodas that exhibit the typical style of Unified Silla. The two pagodas are believed to have been built in the mid- and late 9th centuries at the latest, considering the style of the three-story roof stone on top of the double-tier base. This is also confirmed by the reliefs carved at the base and the first-story of the pagoda. The Four Heavenly Kings and the Twelve Zodiacal Animal Deities were first combined in the late 8th century in the stone pagoda at the Wonwonsa Temple Site, and the Eight Classes of Divine Beings was also the most popular carved pagoda reliefs in the 9th century. However, the two Yeongyang stone pagodas are characterized by a combination of the Four Heavenly Kings (1st story), the Eight Classes (top base), and the Twelve Zodiacal Animals (lower base), and the stone used for the pagoda consists of sedimentary rocks of the sandstone family, which comprise most of the geological strata in the Yeongyang area, rather than ordinary granite. The new combinations of the three types of guardian deities and the Eight Classes changed from seated to standing poses is interpreted as an attempt to enhance the Buddhist faith and cultural status of the Yeongyang area, along with the fact that the stone pagoda was built using local natural materials. The Eight Classes of the Yeongyang stone pagoda does not follow the two types of arrangement of the pagodas with the Eight Classes, but some of the deities have been relocated to a new location. Composed of AsuraGandharva on the east side, Naga-Mahoraga on the south, Deva-Garuda on the west, and Kimnara-Yaksa on the north, this form can be classified as a unique 'third layout of the Eight Classes' in the Yeongyang area. Such changes in the shape and posture of the reliefs reflect a new perception of the pagodas. The reason why the Gandharva and Yaksa statues were carved on the east and north sides, respectively, was because they were deemed subordinate to the Four Heavenly Kings, and the fact that the Naga and the Mahoraga were carved on the south side was presumed to have influenced the geographical location of the two pagodas on the northern side of Banbyeoncheon Stream. The Hyeon-ri and Hwacheon-ri three-story stone pagodas inherited the tradition of typical Unified Silla-period pagodas, while also bearing their own new regional characteristics.
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