• Journal of agriculture & life science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.21-28
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• 2011

Hibiscus cannabinus L is a plant in the Malvaceae family. Kenaf was seeded at June 1st in 2010 and harvested at November 18th and dried and evaluated worth as a bulking agent for livestock composting. Harvested and dried Kenaf was divided into the bast, core and leaf. All materials were grinded by hammer mill and the moisture absorption, moisture evaporation, pH, volume weight and C/N ratio were measured. Kenaf was higher water absorption and evaporation ability than those of sawdust and chaff. The pH values of Kenaf were pH $2.8{\pm}0.01$ - $4.34{\pm}0.02$, which is lower pH value than those of sawdust (pH $5.28{\pm}0.01$) and chaff (pH $6.3{\pm}0.02$). The C/N ratio of Kenaf showed 649 of core, 204 of bast and 70 of leaf, which were lower than sawdust (789.1) but higher than chaff (132). In volume weight test, the materials were divided by particle size of Kenaf, named as group A(${\geq}4cm$), B(${\leq}4cm$, ${\geq}0.25cm$) and C(${\leq}0.25cm$). The volume of weight of group A and B for core, bast and leaf showed similar, but group C showed higher than those of sawdust and chaff. Especially, the volume weight of group C for leaf was 5 times higher than those of sawdust and chaff. This study suggested the possibility of using Kenaf as a bulk agent for composting of livestock manure. This is considered that strengthen the competitiveness of farmers through reducing the cost, prevention of environmental pollution caused by livestock manure and environmentally friendly processing of livestock manure.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.57
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• pp.57-84
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• 2018

This study assumes that the perception of the ex-prisoner's against stigma will affect trust in interpersonal relationship. Prior studies have suggested that there is a stigma at the base of the awareness where people avoid and discriminate against ex-prisoner's. This in turn affects ex-prisoner's' recividicism, but there is no study about ex-prisoner's perception of stigma in Korea. Although stigma can be explained in numerous ways, this study is based on the opinion of Phillips(2016), which divides the subscale of stigma as perceived public stigma, perceived personnel stigma, and self stigma. He insisted that ex-prisoner's believe perceived public stigma higher than self-stigma. these results are consistent with this study. However, it is important to note that although ex-prisoner's are more aware of public stigma than self-stigma, they are actually more influenced by self stigma in pereonal relationships. This means that ex-prisoner's are more susceptible to internal psychological awareness than external social recognition. Therefore, the development and intervention of the program to overcome the internal self-stigma of the released prisoner is required. In this study, first, stigma, especially self-stigma turned out to have influence on the interpersonal trust. Therefore, as self-stigma level increased, the interpersonal trust decreased in most cases. Second, it was shown that stigma has the greatest influence on children out of family members, co-workers out of social relationship, self trust out of general relationship in. This confirms that stigma is a factor that greatly influences relationship between important people for ex-prisoner's. Third, since self-sigma negatively reestablish self-identity, make individuals recognize themselves as deviators and show bad lifestyle, which lead them to become habitual offender, ex-prisoner's need to make efforts to overcome self-stigma, and development and intervention of program that can make ex-prisoner's have positive self identity is requested. Fourth, although participants in the study were only male, it seems that there is difference in recognition of stigma by gender, and influence of stigma not only on interpersonal relationships, but also on social reintegration and recidivism imply that these might be good future research topics.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.204-229
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• 1988

This paper documents and discusses trends and differentials in youth's participation in the labor force and employment. Youth in this study is defined asthe young aged 15-29. Youth passes through a series of life-course transitions,which include school completion own family formation(marriage and childbirth) .mandatory service in the army (by males) , and their economic activities are affectedby those life-course events. Accordingly we show how and to what extent youth'slabor force participation and employment varies with age and how the age patternhas changed over time.Throughout the 1980's and 1990's, youth's labor force participation showeddifferent trends by age group Labor fDrce participation rate of the 15-19 agedsteeply decreased, while that of the 25-29 steadily increased during the twodecades, the rate fsr the 20-24 aged showing not much variation. The former is dueto the increased rate of school enrollment among the age group, while the lattercould be attributed, in part, to the young women s increased and more steadyparticipation in the labor force over time.While labor force participation could be considered as a result of one's choicesand preferences, employment opportunities are more or less restricted by labormarket structure and institutions . This study documents how the structuralconstraints have interacted with individual and group attributes to differentiateemployment opportunities between individuals (educational background) and groups(especially sex diffrences) . One of the most salient feature of youth's em[ploymentstructure is the recent high unemployment rate of the college graduates. We discusshow that is related to the'credential society'in which one's educational credentials and it's social status play major role in determining who gets what in terms of job opportunities. Also is discussed the discordance between school and labor marketsupply and demand system, which is apparent in the prolonged oversupply of thecollege graduates, which is due to the consistently high rate of college entranceobserved since the early 1980's. Theoretically the job market for college graduates isviewed not as the'neoclassical'wage competition market but as job competition market in which one's (good) job opportunity is determined by one s position in thejob queue, which is in turn heavily dependent on from which college one get shis/her college degree as well as one's sex.

• Journal of Life Science
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.410-420
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• 2019

Citrus unshiu peel extracts possess a variety of beneficial effects, and studies on their anticancer activity have been reported. However, the exact mechanisms underlying this activity remain unclear. In the current study, the apoptotic effect of ethanol extract of C. unshiu peel (EECU) on human breast adenocarcinoma MDA-MB-231 cells and related mechanisms were investigated. The results showed that the survival rate of MDA-MB-231 cells treated with EECU was significantly inhibited in a concentration-dependent manner, which was associated with the induction of apoptosis. EECU-induced apoptosis was associated with the activation of caspase-8 and caspase-9, which initiate extrinsic and intrinsic apoptosis pathways, respectively, and caspase-3, a representative effect caspase. EECU suppressed the expression of the inhibitor of apoptosis family of proteins, leading to an increased Bax/Bcl-2 ratio and proteolytic degradation of poly (ADP-ribose) polymerase. EECU also enhanced the loss of the mitochondrial membrane potential and cytochrome c release from the mitochondria to the cytosol, along with truncation of Bid. In addition, EECU activated AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK), and compound C, an AMPK inhibitor, significantly weakened EECU-induced apoptosis and cell viability reduction. Furthermore, EECU promoted the generation of reactive oxygen species (ROS), which acted as upstream signals for AMPK activation as pretreatment of cells, with the antioxidant N-acetyl cysteine reversing both EECU-induced AMPK activation and apoptosis. Collectively, these findings suggest that EECU inhibits MDA-MB-231 adenocarcinoma cell proliferation by activating intrinsic and extrinsic apoptotic pathways, which was mediated through ROS/AMPK-dependent pathways.

• Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.475-487
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• 2018

Objectives: This study examined the consumption of Han-sik and its association with the years of residence in Korea and the socioeconomic status among Filipino immigrant women of the Filipino Women's Diet and Health Study (FiLWHEL). Methods: A total of 474 Filipino women married to Korean men were included in the analysis. Their dietary intake was assessed using a single-day 24-hour recall. The participants provided information on the demographics, socioeconomic, and health-related factors through face-to-face interviews. The generalized linear model and logistic regression model were used to examine the association between the socioeconomic status and consumption of Han-sik. Results: The mean age of the participants was 34.3 years old, and the average duration of residence in Korea was 8.2 years. Among 474 Filipino women, a total of 467 consumed Han-sik, with an average of 6.8 food items per day. The Han-sik foods that the participants consumed most frequently were rice, cabbage kimchi, mixed-grain rice, and fried eggs. The average ratio of Han-sik was 58.57%. The ratio of Han-sik showed no significant associations with the years of residence, years of living together with their husband, education levels, total annual family income, or linguistic competence of Korean. However, the ratio of Han-sik use was associated with cohabitation with parents-in-law; the odds ratio (95% confidence interval) was 2.41 (1.18-4.92, p-trend = 0.002) comparing the fourth quartile with the first quartile of the Han-sik ratio. Conclusions: Filipino immigrant women in the FiLWHEL study consumed a larger number of Han-sik than Philippine foods. In addition, cohabitation with their parents-in-law was associated with the consumption of Han-sik. Further epidemiologic studies will be needed to determine how the diet affects the health and wellbeing of immigrant women in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.90-119
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to investigate the significance of Buddhist stone art in the cultural zone of Mt. Bukhan. Mt. Bukhan witnessed the prevalence of Buddhist culture in and around it since the introduction of Korean Buddhism and served as the center of Buddhist culture in the nation, where new Buddhist temples continued to be built from the Three Kingdoms Period to the Joseon Period. Of the characteristics of its Buddhist culture, it is very noteworthy that the construction of military temples in and around it in the latter half of Joseon supported the function of Buddhist temples as basic places of worship. These military temples were closely related to the mountain's geopolitical location, traffic routes, and position in the national defense system-- its mountain fortress was an important defense facility. The stone art works of Mt. Bukhan can be categorized into various types, including stone stupas, stone pagodas, rock-carved Buddhas, stone Buddhas, towers and monuments (stone monuments), stone lanterns, flagpole supports, and rock-carved sarira pagodas. There are diverse types of stone art left on the mountain. As for its period characteristics, it is clear that the Buddhist art of Silla spread even to the Gyeonggi region, and that most of the works of stone art were created during the first half of Goryeo and the latter half of Joseon. Starting in Goryeo, the Buddhist temples of the mountain maintained close relations with the royal court by operating as the royal buddhist shrine for the royal family. In the latter part of Joseon, the construction of the Bukhan mountain fortress became the most important opportunity to produce stone art. As for the distribution of the stone artwork, it was usually created in the west part of the mountain from Unified Silla to the first half of Goryeo and in the southern and eastern parts of the mountain from the latter half of Goryeo to the latter half of Joseon. It is estimated that central Buddhist temples of the mountain changed due to Silla's military goal of advancing toward the west coast along the Han River in its early days and the construction of the Bukhan mountain fortress in the latter half of Joseon to protect the capital city. Finally, the stone art of Mt. Bukhan holds very high significance in art history because various types of stone art continued to be created on and around the mountain, the stone artwork of the mountain reflected representative styles for each period, and e rare and ofthe works produced on the mountain exemplified rare and unique styles.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.84-107
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• 2018

Cheommojik is a pile cloth, a type of textile whose surface is covered with short piles. The term chaedam was used during the late Joseon dynasty to refer to pile cloth rugs, while the terms yoongjeon, dantong and yangtanja were used in the early twentieth century. Various documents, newspaper articles and photographs confirm that pile cloth rugs were used by the general public as well as the royal family from the late Joseon dynasty onward, and that there were domestic manufacturers of such rugs at that time. This study investigated six pile cloth rugs that were produced after the late Joseon dynasty, five of which feature Persian knots made of cut pile, the other being made with the loop pile method. The cut pile rugs are rectangular in shape and measure between 72-98cm by 150-156cm; and they are decorated in the middle with patterns of butterfly, deer, and tiger or the ten longevity symbols, and along the edges with patterns composed of 卍 symbols. The ground warp of all six rugs are made from cotton yarn, while the ground weft is made of cotton yarn on three pieces, wool on one piece and cotton and viscose rayon. The ground weft yarn from four pieces are Z-twist yarn made with two or more S-twist cotton yarn. Four to six colors were used for the pile weft, all being natural colors except for red. Two or more S- or Z-twist yarn were twisted together in the opposite twist for the pile weft, with the thickness determining the number of threads used. Six or more weft threads were used to make the start and end points of the rug; and the ground warp ends were arranged by tying every four of them together. For the left and right edges, three or more threads were wrapped together into a round stick-like form, and the second and third inner ground warps from the edges were stitched on to the wrapped edge. For the loop pile, loops were made in the direction of the warp; the ground warp and the ground weft may have been made with cotton, the pile warp with wool yarn. An analysis of the components of three rugs was conducted to determine which types of animal hair were used for the pile weft. Despite some inconclusive results, it was revealed that goat hair and fat-tailed sheep hair were used, raising the possibility that various kinds of animal fur were used in the production of pile cloth rugs. The six rugs examined in this study are estimated to have been made between the late 1800s and the early 1900s. Although the manufacturer of the rugs cannot be confirmed, we concluded that the rugs were produced in Korea after referring to the documentation of the domestic production of pile cloth rugs during the aforementioned period and the form and placements of the patterns on the rugs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.42-57
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• 2017

The Joseon Dynasty (1392~1910) had a long tradition of making official seals to commemorate the granting of official royal titles, including posthumous honorary titles, to its kings, queens, crown princes and queen dowagers. These royal seals were typically gold-plated or made of jade. After the death of its holder, each seal would be stored in the royal seal depository in the Royal Ancestral Shrine. Extensive efforts were made to restore the traditions and culture of the royal family of Joseon during the reign of King Sukjong (r. 1674~1720). In 1705, discussions were held about the royal ceremonial objects, including the royal seals, stored in the Royal Ancestral Shrine, resulting in the reproduction of a set of accessories related with the storage of royal seals and ten golden royal seals which had been lost during wars or had yet to be made. With these reproductions, each shrine chamber of the Royal Ancestral Shrine would have had at least one seal. The details of the reproduction project were meticulously recorded in The Royal Protocol by the Directorate for the Restoration of Golden Royal Seals("金寶改造都監儀軌"). Given that the restoration project was the single event that led to the reproduction of all the golden royal seals, it is reasonable to conclude that the directorate had fulfilled a historically significant function. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the establishment of the directorate and the storage and management of the damaged royal seals. The discussion includes the manufacturing process of the golden seals, for which The Royal Protocol is compared with other similar documents in order to gain more detailed knowledge of the measurements of the turtle knob, the lost-wax casting technique, the gold plating with mercury amalgamation technique, and other ornamentation techniques. The discussion also covers the activities of the artisans who made the royal seals, based on a study of the royal protocols; the styles of the artifacts, based on an examination of the remaining examples; and the techniques used by the Directorate for the Restoration of Golden Royal Seals to produce the royal seals in 1705.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.44-63
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• 2019

This study empirically investigated the construction and aspects of change in Chugyeongwon, which is located in Donggweol (東闕). In detail, this study investigated the location of the construction and range of Chugyeongwon, the background and intention of the construction, and the affiliated system and aspects of spatial changes of it. The research results can be summarized as follows: First, Chugyeongwon has been assumed to be the space near Haminjeong (涵仁亭) or between Simindang (時敏堂) and Jinsudang (進修堂) in Changgyeonggung Palace. However, according to related historical materials, it is said that Chugyeongwon was located west of Dochongbu (都摠府) in Hyeopsangmun (協祥門) and near Sungmundang (崇文堂). Through Donggweoldohyeong (東闕圖形), evidence of the construction of Chugyeongwon can be found, which verifies such claims. According to The Plan of Changgyeonggung Palace (昌慶宮配置圖), in the form of modern measured drawing, Chugyeongwon today is the green space created in the south of Munjeongjeon (文政殿) and Sungmundang in Changgyeonggung Palace. Second, According to Donggweoldo (東闕圖), Chugyeongwon was a green space where trees grew on the ground within the walls. No artificial facilities were constructed inside. In addition, Chugyeongwon was located at a site with an altitude higher than the surroundings. Especially, the composition forms and location characteristics of Chugyeongwon are similar to those of the Palace Outer Garden located in Hanyang. Thus, based on this evidence about the form and other aspects of the operation of the Palace Outer Garden, it can be inferred that Chugyeongwon was constructed for the preservation and cultivation of the geographical features inside Donggweol. Third, in the late Joseon period, Chugyeongwon was assigned to Changdeokgung Palace or Changgyeonggung Palace in the same manner as was Donggung (東宮). Thus, it is very likely that Chugyeongwon served as a garden for the Royal Family in the Donggung area. The west boundary of Chugyeongwon, which originally consisted of walls and a side gate, was changed into the form in which the walls and colonnades were combined. Chugyeongwon has been modified due to various acts of development since the Japanese colonial era, and in the end, it has disappeared so that no trace can be found.