• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.25 no.6
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• pp.719-724
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to survey public preferences for dining space image styles depending on the types of passage rites in Korea and to determine potential differences in public preferences for dining space image styles depending on the types of passage rites in terms of various general characteristics such as gender, age, family type, and preference for the image and color styles of the dining space. As a result, this study determined the following: According to a public preference survey of dining space image styles depending on the type of passage rites, our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (27.1%) at a party for a 100-day-old baby. Additionally, our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (27.4%) when celebrating a baby's first birthday but showed the highest preference for romantic images (35.8%) when celebrating a baby girl's first birthday. Our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (21.4%) for graduation ceremonies. Our respondents showed the highest preference for classic images (21.7%) at coming-of-age ceremonies for new adult men, but also showed highest preference for elegant images (26.2%) at coming-of-age ceremonies for new adult women. Moreover, the respondents showed highest preference for classic images (41.0%) at traditional wedding ceremonies but elegant images (24.1%) at modern wedding ceremonies. In contrast, the respondents showed highest preference for classic images (31.3%) for a 60th birthday party. The highest preference for classic images (28.9%) was found for a diamond wedding ceremony. Respondents showed highest preference for classic images (30.4%) for a funeral ceremony Finally, our respondents showed highest preference for classic images (32.5%) at memorial services (religious ceremonies).

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.42-49
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• 2005

To determine which are the culturally specific factors of Korean bereavement, this chapter focuses on the view of death and the traditional mourning process which reflect Korean values and norms. The formation of the Korean view and understanding of death has been strongly influenced by three of its major traditional religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Park:1994: Hao:1999) and Christianity more recently. Each religion has a different view of death and the appropriate expression of mourning. Korea accommodates funeral customs and rules strictly as a cultural system and has retained these traditions over a long period; hence, some of the traditional funeral rituals still remain in modern Korean life, although some of the rites have been simplified. We have looked at the various ways in which grief and mourning is displayed and shared in a collective manner over a long period of time. This fits in well within the other Eastern cultures that are collectively organized, and contrary to the Eurocentric models do not hastily seek to detach the living from the dead and recognize that grief is a long process, and different individuals may take different amounts of time to recover from the grief. The view of death and bereavement in Korea has sprung from the roots of three Korean religions, together with the recent addition of Christianity, although they mainly result from the three earlier religions. The beliefs of these religions are still closely linked together in the rituals of Korean bereavement on both conscious and unconscious levels. The influence of these religions is evident in practice through the bereaved family's mourning reactions, funeral rites and customs and its views about death. Korea used to have a period of mourning for three years, following traditional mourning rites; then the chief mourner and the bereaved families could return to their normal life. In spite of this long mourning process for the bereaved family, once the funeral ceremony is finished, people expect the bereaved family not to express their grief in public; even the bereaved family does not like to talk about death. The process for bereaved people is related to mourning processes in terms of detachment from the deceased in order to start a new life. Relatives and the community recommend the performance of the kut ceremony for relieving the grief of the bereaved. When one family member dies in an unlucky way, the bereaved family may have some fear or other psychological reactions of grief such as pain, depression, insomnia and nightmares, hallucinations or other physical reactions. Unlucky deaths give the bereaved a very painful time and these types of reactions are often more serious than reactions to natural death. But through the kut ceremony, the bereaved family can start to make a new relationship with the deceased. The taboo of this type of death and death generally remains a crucial aspect of the isolation that bereaved people might face and the collective nature of mourning(even where it is still present) is unable to address this aspect of the privatization of grief.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.344-354
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• 2008

The traditional ritual foods of Korea have developed with for many years, and differ by locality, family customs and religious characteristics. In an efforts to establish the database on that addresses the difficult issue of a classification system for traditional Korean foods, we have conducted a survey of a traditional Korean ritual foods. In the database, typical 10 rites are represented, covering birth to death, these are birth, the hundredth day after birth, the first birthday, the commemoration of finishing books(graduation), the coming of age ceremony, marriage, the birthday feast for an old man, the 60th wedding anniversary, the funeral, and the memorial service. For each rite, the appropriate traditional Korean foods are classified into 6 categories-main dishes, side dishes, tteok lyou, hangwa lyou, eumchung lyou and the others. Some of these have varied considerably with the passage of time, and some have since disappeared. This database provides a basis for generational transmission, preservation and development of traditional Korean ritual foods as one of the components traditional Korean culture.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.27 no.5
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• pp.93-100
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• 2022

Korea's ancestral culture has limited travel and contact due to Corona (COVID-19). In addition, Korean ancestral culture meets in person to commemorate the deceased. In this paper, we propose a non-face-to-face metaverse memorial platform service that can commemorate the deceased and perform ancestral rites in the cyber world (virtual reality) by applying the metaverse technology. The services proposed in the study consisted of a remembrance hall that displays the life story of the deceased, a ancestral hall that conducts ancestral rites for the deceased, and a deceased pavilion that checks the remains and wills of the deceased. In addition, the virtual reality device (HMD: Head Mounted Display) set the teleportation and content resolution to 4K to minimize dizziness. In particular, the priests applied interaction technology to provide an immersive service for ancestral rites between family members. The researched memorial hall metaverse service is a metaverse-based platform service that allows anyone to commemorate the deceased as a family unit in a non-face-to-face state rather than face-to-face.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.32 no.6
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• pp.498-512
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• 2017

The aim of this study was to introduce the foods recorded in "Bongjeopyoram", a cookbook, of which the date of production and author are unknown. This was described in an old document belonging to the Hansan Lee family clan from Chungcheongnam-do and revealed its content and significance in the food culture history of Korea to academia for the first time, A close examination of "Bongjeopyoram" showed that, as with other cookbooks from the Joseon Dynasty, it started with methods of making alcoholic beverages. This was followed by recipes for different types of food in the following order: rice cakes and confectioneries, jeol-sik (seasonal foods), daily meals, foods made for jesa (ancestral rites) or a feast, food for weddings, and food for sijeol-jesa (seasonal ancestral rites). The book contained a total of 18 types of alcoholic beverages, 11 types of rice cakes and confectioneries, 20 types of daily meals, 28 types of jeol-sik and food for sijeol-jesa, 12 types of food for jesa and feasts, and 37 types of food for weddings, for a total of 126 types of food and beverages. "Bongjeopyoram" was an ancient cookbook with detailed records on how to carry out jesa, which was an important event hosted by jonggas, or the head family of a family clan, and how to receive and serve guests in the Joseon period. This book is expected to play a valuable role as a guidance with significance as a cookbook of a jongga from the Joseon Dynasty, a time when bongjesajeopbingaek (hosting jesa for one's ancestors and serving one's guest) was considered important.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.40 no.5
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• pp.159-177
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• 2002

The purpose of this exploratory study was to investigate how the information society affected the attitude about the family/kinship life of Netizen. For this goal, the data were collected from 305 Netizen who use the Internet. The major findings were as follows. Firstly, In Netizen, the support to familism and boy preference was low level. Secondly, in their altitude to the divorce and remarriage, there was a tendency which accepts a marriage with selection. Thirdly, they had a tendency to agree equal partnership in couple relationship. Fourthly, virtual community in cyber-space was found, but the loyalty of members was not enough strong. Fifthly, in the family/kin rites, it was showed non-traditional tendency. And in all aspects, some differences were found between men and women. The findings of the present study suggest that the couple relationship in the information society becomes more important, and there is a tend to increase acceptability to increase. In contrast, there is stiff another discrimination in cyber-space by focusing on traditional mother route.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.31 no.6
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• pp.515-540
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• 2016

This study investigated the characteristics of main house food cultures in Gyeonggi-do using a case study on the head family. The subject of this study was selected through an advisory committee of experts; it incorporated intangible and tangible elements of the main family based on relevant data. Selected representative main house of Gyeonggi-do had 12 parts in total. The entire investigation was conducted in five parts; literature search, telephone survey, in-depth interviews, inheritance food research of the head family, and cuisine demonstrations. Twelve families within the researched family clan had members of high merit or scholarly reputation qualified enough to serve bulcheonwi, a form of important religious worship. Food in Gyeonggi-do, specifically, can be served for Bongjesa jeopbingaek, which is a combination of performance of ancestral rites and greeting guests. Meat ingredients were frequently used. Articles of clothing were colorful and vivid, with wootgi that needed lots of work. Soup and steamed dishes tended to favor simple but fresh tastes that come with their cultural and historical context.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.1-21
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to provide further direction to the culture program at the healthy family center by analyzinge its different concepts of family living culture, which is based on changes in the family values of an individual. This research was conducted on residents in the area of Seoul and Kung-gi from March 1, 2007 to March 30, 2007. The survey was distributed to 300 people, and 186 surveys were collected. Among those 186 surveyed, 179 were finally analyzed. Findings from the survey are as follows: First, age, gender, and marital status show differences in familism, consciousness of men's and women's equality, and recognition of family cultural ritual. As to planning the healthy family culture program, the program participants' age, gender, and marital status should be considered to successfully plan and operate the program. Second, regarding the view of family life from three aspects including the degree of recognition of family cultural ritual, familism, and the consciousness of men's and women's equality, all three variables show differences in the view of family life. Therefore, it will be highly effective to organize two separate groups: one presents lower recognition of family cultural ritual and family-based values, and another possesses a higher sense of equality. Third, the result of reviewing relative effectiveness to the proper family life value, wedding, consciousness of parents respect(=filial piety), and sacrificial rituals, funeral rites were founded to highly effective to family living view. Therefore, it will be highly effective to include these topics, when the family cultural living program is planned.