• 한국인구학
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• 제25권1호
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• pp.51-82
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• 2002

본 논문은 60년대 이후 한국 가족의 구조적 변동을 가져온 핵심 요인으로 가족계획사업을 통한 국가의 가족정치(family politics) 과정을 주목하였다. 국가의 용의주도한 기획 아래 가족의 '계획'이 이루어졌으며, '계획합리성(plan rationality)'에 의해 인위적이고 강압적으로 새로운 가족이 만들어진 것이다 가족계획사업의 진행과정에서 국가의 가족정치는 매우 다양하게 나타났다. 사업의 정당성 확보를 위해 근대 가족의 이미지를 동원하는가 하면, 사업의 효율적인 추진을 위해 미시적 감시망 속에 가족을 묶어두기도 했다. 소자녀가족에 대한 경제적 사회적 지원을 통해 근대 핵가족을 유도하기도 했으며, 의료적 기술을 통해 강압적인 구조변동을 이끌기도 했다. 이에 따라 사업 이후 40년 동안 우리 가족은 규모의 축소와 구성의 단순화, 전반적인 근대적 가족행동 및 가치의 증가를 경험하게 되었다. 사업을 통해 국가는 가족을 공적 영역으로 끌어내고. 근대화 기획에 걸맞는 가족 유형과 규범을 만들어 갔다. 그러나 그 과정에서 나타난 가족 문제는 아주 심각하다. 그럼에도 국가는 다시 신자유추의 정치담론을 통해 가족을 국가복지의 대리인이 될 것을 강요하고 있다. '가족을 통한 복지'로 국가복지의 취약성을 대신하려 한다. 가족은 복지의 대상이지 복지의 주체가 아니다. 국가의 가족정치는 바로 이러한 복지 대상으로서 가족을 만들어 가는 노력으로 바뀌어져야 한다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• 가족자원경영과 정책
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.17-33
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to find out the features of the Korean family change since 2,000 and to interpret the meaning of the change on the basis of the critical review of both the positive perspective and the negative perspective of the family change in Korea. Through the method of the literature review and the analysis of the various statistics by KOSTAT, it is drawn that explaining the change only by "diversity of family compositions" is not enough to figure out the meaning of the family change in Korea today and that it is needed to go further to approach the change as disintegration of the 'nuclear' composed of the married couple and their children. It is also drawn that the disintegration has led to weakening of the long term functions by the family, i. e., the function of life and of the virtues, which shakes the way of human life and the order of our society. Therefore, the present family change in Korea is to be understood as crisis, not as progress. And it is recommended that the family politics in Korea is to be focused on the ways for the healthy functioning and rebuilding the nuclear of the family.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제32호
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

정조는 척족이 특권세력으로 발호하던 영조대 후반의 탕평정치에서 아버지를 여읜 피해자였다. 노론의 거센 방해공작을 뚫고 왕위에 오른 정조의 목표는 왕권 강화였다. 정조는 탕평정책을 영조 50여년 치세의 대업적으로 칭송하고 척신과 탕평당의 폐해를 지적하면서 신하들에게 왕을 위해 충성을 다하는 '국변인(國邊人)'이 되어줄 것을 요구하였다. 정조가 즉위 직후부터 설치 운영한 규장각(奎章閣)은 겉으로는 어제(御製)의 봉안 등을 표방했지만, 실제로는 정조의 우군을 양성하기 위한 기구였다. 그만큼 정조가 외척들을 누르고 어떻게 사대부들을 포섭하는가 하는 문제는 정권의 사활이 걸린 문제였다. 본고에서는 정조가 사대부들을 어떻게 굴복시키고 포섭하려 했는가라는 문제를 본격적으로 조명하였다. 그것을 통해서 정조가 시도한 왕권강화책의 논리와 방법을 확인해 보고자 하였다. 정조는 경학(經學)의 본질은 성리학이 아니라 실생활과 절실하게 관련된 학문이라는 점을 강조함으로써 사대부들의 이념적 근거를 붕괴시키고자 하였다. 정조가 사대부들의 풍기와 세도를 비판하고 그들의 학문인 주자성리학의 의미를 축소했던 것은 사대부들을 왕권에 복속시키기 위한 방편이었다. 붕당론이나 성학론을 기본으로 하는 사대부들의 정치 이념과 학문적 근거를 반박함으로써 공론(公論)의 주체로서 국왕의 권위를 강조하려고 하였다. 정조가 영조의 '군사(君師)' 개념을 계승하고 왕호도 '홍재(弘齋)'에서 '만천명월주인옹(萬川明月主人翁)'으로 바꾼 것은 그의 사대부 비판이 궁극적으로 지향하고자 했던 바를 상징적으로 보여준다.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제22권
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• pp.1-32
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• 2014

This paper is searching the meaning of Gangseong(姜聖) which came from Gucheon Sangje(九天上帝, the Lord and Creator of the Great Origin of the Ninth Heaven) incarnated in the Gang(姜) family. To study the meaning of Gangseong(姜聖), this paper concentrate on Maitreya(彌勒尊佛) and the sentence about Wonsibanbon(原始返本) Sangje's incarnation in the Gang's family appeared on term Gangseong in the middle of divinity terms(九天應元雷聲普化天尊姜聖上帝). Furthermore, Sangje's surname Gangseong(姜姓) has relation with Maitreya and the sentence about Wonsibanbon. What Maitreya has relation with Gangseong(姜聖) is the legendary poem that Maitreya Statue became complete woman(六丈金佛 化爲全女) and what Wensibanbon has relation with Gangseong is the fact that family name Gang is primary surname all over the world's human beings. Wonsibanbon comprises correction of family lineage and theocracy(政敎一致) which came from tracing and reviving the beginning. As a primary family name, Sangje's incarnation family name Gang plays a leading edge role of religious activity of Sangje because primary family name Gang represents the one and only Truth(眞法) or the principle of Wensibanbon which means the union[unity] of religion and politics(政敎一致), and combining saintliness and heroism (聖雄兼備). According to the one and only Truth(眞法) like this, the first emergence and role of the completely "DoTongKunJa" (道通君子, the perfection of man with Dotong) who Sang-Je declared will build the union[unity] of religion and politics shows realization of advance-oriented salvation. Under the principle of Yangsan(兩山, twin mountain, 甑山, 鼎山, the three-story Maitreya Statue of Geumsan Temple) which implies emergence of the completely "DoTongKunJa"(道通君子) who will accomplish the union[unity] of religion and politics(政敎一致), combining saintliness and heroism(聖雄兼備) and advent of the one and only Truth(眞法出現). This could be possible by the almighty of Sangje who incarnated in Gang's family name according to the principle of Wensibanbon from the text Jeonkyung(典經) as shown. Adjusting family lineage (血統) means to straighten out the relation between ancestors and descendants, and which has close relation with the activity after Sangje's incarnation in Gang's family name according to the principle of Wensibanbon. As far as family lineage was concerned, there are three aspects of close relation between ancestors and descendants. First, general connection between ancestors and descendants, Second Dotong(道通)-related connection, Third after -death entrance(冥府)-related connection. Descendants should know a family history from moral laws of family relationships(天倫) by the Compatibility principle. As for second Dotong-related connection between ancestors and descendants, the fact descendants' Dotong can be accomplished by the act of ancestors' charity shows human beings world(人間界) where descendants live has close organic relation with divine world(神明界) where ancestors live. As for third after-death entrance-related connection between ancestors and descendants, after-death entrance are totally related with both Heavenly order(天道) of ancestors and Humane-order(人道) of descendants. At this point, we can see the relation between ancestors and descendants are very close and organic. As shown from the text Jeonkyung, Sangje as Gucheon Sangje(九天上帝, the Lord and Creator of the Great Origin of the Ninth Heaven) and Maitreya(彌勒尊佛) has descended to the earth adopting Gang's family name according to principle Wensibanbon. By Sangje's incarnation in Gang's family name, the legitimacy of the religion and the perfection of Do could be successed under the law of Yangsan(兩山). Furthermore, Sangje realize the one and only Truth by Adjusting family lineage and producing the completely "true man" through Cheonji Gongsa.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.13-21
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• 2020

한국사회에서 나타나는 저출산 현상이 심화 됨에 따라 일·가정양립을 위한 가정친화적 인사제도의 도입 및 확대를 위한 정부 차원의 다양한 정책이 시도되었다. 저출산의 주요 원인으로는 여성의 경제활동 참여 증가와 일·가정양립의 어려움이 가장 우선적으로 지목되고 있다. 여성정책의 일환으로 가정친화적 제도, 유연근무제 등 다각적인 차원에서 지원정책이 개진 되었지만 저출산의 대안으로 큰 효과를 보지 못하였다. 사회 전반적으로 저출산 현상이 미치는 부정적 영향과 파장이 커서, 공공기관을 중심으로 조직문화개선을 위한 새로운 시각의 접근법이 요구되고 있다. 이에 사회적 조직내에서의 가정친화적 제도가 갖는 의미는 시사점이 크다. 이런 시각에서 가정친화정책의 일환으로 시도된 유연근무제 등 적용되고 있는 제도의 현황을 공공기관 중심으로 파악하였다. 본 연구에서는 문헌고찰 방법을 중심으로 기존에 적용된 제도의 현황 비교를 통해 함의를 도출하였다. 가정친화정책은 제도개선의 필요성과 확장 차원에서 사회 환경변화에 맞춰 지속성을 갖고 이루어져야 할 것이다.

• 가정과삶의질연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.47-66
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• 2001

Today in modern Korea, the preferred modern social role for many modern women is that of modern housewife. This move to the role of housewife is a change in more than just a role; it also reflects a deep and fundamental change that has taken place in the social and economic roles of married women. This shift in economic activities and the gender roles they help produce speaks of a deep and profound process of transformation for all of Korea. Traditionally, a woman was a member of a family premised upon group production as well as group consumption. The role of jubu is derived almost exclusively from market forces and bases her identity and actions upon those forces. This distinction is crucial because it means Korean women are finding that they are no longer as central to the existence of the family. Modern life situations have altered a womans role by making consumption, not production by the woman herself, the keystone of modern families.

• 영어영문학
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• 제57권4호
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• pp.529-552
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• 2011

My essay aims at reading Ginsberg's "Howl" and "Kaddish" with the concept of 'shaman-prophet-poet' to illustrate the dynamic relationship between his poetics and radical politics. Throughout his widely-ranging career, Ginsberg represents himself as a poet-prophet and commands a typical rhetoric of revelation as a way of decentering Cold War orthodoxies. While well aware of the oppressive and pervasive power of the dominant post-war ideologies, he adopts 'madness' to oppose conventional political, social, and religious institutions; by way of entering into the madness of this world and actively engaging himself as a victim, he can finally heal both himself and the world. This dual function of poet characterizes his rhetoric of revelation, but it doesn't appeal to the mainstream of American critical ideology where the post-structural approach to language and subject gives a skeptical look at any account of active human agency and humanistic belief in the possibility of language. In "Howl" and "Kaddish," Ginsburg persuades the reader of the truth of his own vision through the convincing and realistic portraits of his contemporaries as well as his own mother and family. Different from his visionary predecessors such as Emerson and Whitman, Ginsberg knew the difficulty of a negotiation between history and divine vision, and attempted to imbricate his family, friends, and even the larger social and political units within his visionary experience in order to avoid naive idealism, escapism, or solipsism. Furthermore, he deconstructs the Logos of Western prophecy and replaces it with the groundless identity and the nontheistic epistemology of Buddhism, which, in turn, leads to emptying his powerful language of absolutist meaning and prevents his prophecy from becoming re-reified as divine essentialism. Ginsberg's idea of poet and poem revitalizes the skeptical view on language and literary representation of our contemporary critical community which is unwilling to engage the experimental scope of his radical prophecy.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.135-150
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• 2016

조선왕릉의 분포 입지 배치에 나타나는 역사지리적 경관 특징과, 조영을 둘러싸고 전개된 권력집단 간의 공간정치학과 풍수담론, 그 속을 관류하고 있는 풍수적 경관 조성 및 관리 양상 등에 대해 검토했다. 조선왕릉의 천릉(遷陵) 과정은 왕조집단의 세력 관계가 풍수를 정략적인 수단과 외피로 하여 나타난 정치적 결과물이었다. 조선 왕조의 정치권력은 왕릉을 정치적 권위를 높이는 상징적 수단으로 활용하였고, 풍수는 정치권력의 의도를 논리적으로 뒷받침하거나 정당화하는 이데올로기적 공간담론으로 기능하였다. 한국풍수사에서 왕릉풍수는 유교이념과 결합된 정치사회적 속성을 지닌 조선시대적인 풍수담론으로 규정할 수 있다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제58권5호
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• pp.975-999
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• 2012

This paper interrogates what a new point Schmitt shows concerning the problem of sovereignty in Hamlet or Hecuba in comparison with his Political Theology. Schmitt reveals his political stand on sovereignty through ‘political representation’ that connects the politics to the aesthetics in Hamlet or Hecuba since Hamlet is above all aesthetic work as play. He stresses the determining effect of political reality over the play as he links the story of Hamlet to the tragic family of James I and the religious conflicts of the Stuart dynasty. This leads to, on the one hand, supporting the myth of absolute sovereignty by elevating Hamlet to the transcendental and the exceptional status of sovereign. However, Schmitt’s intent over the absolute sovereignty is, on the other hand, demolished with the two shadows that he scrutinized through the couple of Hamlet and James I: first, the suspect that Gertrude(Mary Stuart) was involved in the murder of Hamlet(James I)’s father, and second, the century’s conflicts with religious reformation and civil war. The perils of sovereignty are manifested not only in these two, “the taboo of the Queen,” and “the Hamletization of the avenger.” It is most of all evidenced in Hamlet itself that subverts the unconditional sovereignty consistently. Hamlet’s selfreflective remarks likening the king to the beggar and the reality of Denmark succession prove that Hamlet’s political discourse is totally different from the politics that accentuates the divine sovereignty.