• 한국영어학회지:영어학
• /
• 제2권1호
• /
• pp.31-52
• /
• 2002

This paper discusses the nature of the associate NP of English there constructions and attempts to capture the underlying similarity between the associate NP in English and the nominative object in Korean. Specifically, this paper is centered on the Case property of the associate NP. As the first step, previous proposals on the case of the associate NP are critically reviewed. Through the criticism, this paper opposes to Chomsky's (1995, 2000, 2001) analysis and to Lasnik's (1999) partitive Case analysis. In particular, convincing reason for the partitive Case assignment to the associate NP, other than other cases, cannot be found. This paper, therefore, adopts a recent claim of Boeckx (2000) that the Case under consideration is nominative by Agree. His idea is extended to the analysis of the presentational expletive construction. This paper draws a conclusion that the associate NP of the presentational expletive construction has accusative by Agree. This dichotomy (or split) is also observed in the nominative object construction in Korean. In the nominative object construction, the nominative object has nominative Case by Agree, whereas the regular object has accusative by Agree.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• 제6권4호
• /
• pp.58-64
• /
• 2018

The Extraposition phenomenon in English has been analyzed mainly through two approaches: a derivational approach under the Principles & Parameters framework (P&P) and a representational approach under the early Minimalist framework (MP). The first one tries to understand the phenomenon as a result of the movement of a Big Subject first to the end of a sentence which is then followed by the insertion of an expletive 'it' to the empty Subject position. On the other hand, the second one tries to understand it by way of assuming a Big Subject originally base-generated at the end of a sentence which is followed by the insertion of an expletive 'it' to the empty Subject position. The two approaches, however, are not free from theoretical defects at all: the full derivational approach was under controversy in terms of (1) the failure of the Binding Theory and (2) its inability to suggest anything about the marginal reading issue. On the while, the representational approach has been argued (1) to violate the thematic hierarchy that should be kept in D-structure, and (2) to be also unable to suggest the slightest difference in marginal reading issue as the first one. In this paper I focus mainly on analyzing the 'It'-Extraposition phenomenon in the Optimality Theory. I will show that by way of (i) some newly developed constraints such as Subj., and AHSubj. and (ii) a constraint hierarchy of Subj.>>AHSubj., the controversies of 'It-Extraposition' such as (1) the analysis of construction and (2) the very closely related issue of 'marginal reading issue' can be explained properly.

• 동양고전연구
• /
• 제41호
• /
• pp.407-444
• /
• 2010

본 연구의 목적은 개화기 풍자소설인 <>을 대상으로 형태론적 특징을 고찰하고, 창작 시기를 추정하는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위하여 먼저 조어의 특징을 살핀 다음 조사를 중심으로 분석하였으며, <경셩>의 창작 시기에 대한 형태론적 분석 결과를 바탕으로 창작시기에 대한 의견을 제시하였다. <경셩>의 창작시기에 대한 기존의 논의를 타당한 것으로 본다. 문학전공자를 중심으로 선행 연구에서 <경셩>의 창작시기를 대체로 1901년 이후 1907년 이전으로 잡았는데, 본고의 형태론적 고찰을 통한 결과와도 일치하기 때문이다. 조어 특징에서, 조건법 표현인 '~ 말이면' 등장은 <경셩>의 창작시기를 추정하는 데 도움이 되었다. <경셩>의 창작시기(1910년 전후) 이전의 문헌에서는 이에 상응하는 조건법 표현은 '~ 작시면'이었는데, <경셩> 시기의 신소설에서는 '~ 말이면'으로 나타나고, 그 이후에는 '~ 것 갓흐면'이나 '~'으로 바뀌면서 현대국어의 양상에 근접하기 때문이다. 조어의 특징으로 오기(誤記)를 분석하였다. 단순한 오기와 무지(無知)에서 비롯한 오기로 나누어 살펴본 바, <경셩>의 필사자는 창작자는 물론 아니고 원전(原典)에 대한 이해가 깊은 교양인도 아닐 것으로 추정할 수 있었다. 조사의 특징에서 주격조사 '-가'의 전면적 사용이 특기(特記)할 만하였다. 주격조사 '-가'는 근대국어 초기에 이미 등장하였으나, <이언(易言)>의 한글본의 언해시기(1883년)까지는 전면적으로 쓰이지 않고 '-ㅣ'가 대신하였다. 하지만 <경셩> 시기에서는 '-ㅣ'가 화석형으로 흔적만 남기고 대부분 '-가'로 대체되었음을 알 수 있었다. 이를 근거로 <경셩>의 창작시기는 최소한 1883년 이후일 것으로 추정하였다.

• 한국영어학회지:영어학
• /
• 제1권4호
• /
• pp.629-649
• /
• 2001

This paper aims to provide an account for the English anaphors under the framework of the recent development of minimalism (Chomsky 1999, 2001). I propose that the anaphor has the uninterpretable [a] feature. The Agree operation erases the [a] feature by feature match. Once the [a] is deleted, the derivation converges, providing a proper interpretation of the anaphor. When there is no matching phi-features, the [a] cannot be eliminated, inducing the derivation to crash. The Agree operation can account for not only the typical local binding cases in English but the apparent long-distance binding cases in the picture-DP and expletive constructions. Consequently, the traditional concept of the binding domain and dichotomy between local and long-distance types are abandoned in favor of the analysis under the framework of minimalism. The minimalist accounts thus maximally simplifies the binding principles, using the general operation Agree only.

• 한국영어학회지:영어학
• /
• 제3권2호
• /
• pp.255-280
• /
• 2003

The present paper will argue what can be considered to be principled elements of the initial state S/sub 0/ of the Faculty of Language, which are called the Interface Condition (IC), and how far we can take the strongest minimalist thesis (SMT), which aims to offer principled explanation of language in terms of IC and the principle of efficient computation, to linguistic analysis. We will discuss implications of label-free phrase structures, required by the strong version of the Inclusiveness Condition, and possibilities of crash-free syntax, required by the condition of efficient computation. I will point out problems of Chomsky's assumption that an externally Merged expletive there is a head, which, as a probe, undergoes agreement with the goal T. I will present several advantages we obtain if we maintain A and A' distinction, and assume that wh-movement to the outer [SPEC, υ] is an A'-movement like wh-movement to [SPEC, C].

• 한국영어학회지:영어학
• /
• 제2권2호
• /
• pp.207-226
• /
• 2002

In this paper we provide an alternative explanation for there construction, by assuming that the expletive there (EXPL) has independently uninterpretable Case feature as well as u[person], not as being pied-pipied with $\varphi$-feature. If EXPL has only u[person], we could analyse incorrectly some there constructions, including an embedded infinitive clause: by Chomsky (1998, 1999) in the construction, EXPL is ‘frozen’ and cannot participate in the computation of higher. As a result, we could predict incorrectly that the derivation is crashed. But if EXPL has two uninterpretable features, u[person] and u[Case], we could predict correctly that the derivation is converged: the u[person] of EXPL is deleted under Matching/Agree with $T_{def}$; still, the undeleted u[Case] of EXPL is activating; so EXPL can be raised to [SPEC, T] to satisfy the EPP-feature of matrix T.

• 영어어문교육
• /
• 제7권1호
• /
• pp.161-178
• /
• 2001

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the expletives and EPP in Chomsky's(1998, 1999) Minimalism. Generalized EPP is suggested in Chomsky(1998): every functional head may have an uninterpretable selectional feature for its specifier position to be filled by a proper element. After briefly examining the properties of EPP and ${\Phi}$- features in Chomsky (1998, 1999), there-constructions are examined in terms of Agree. EPP features are satisfied by there-Merge or Move of an associate NP. Case feature is regarded as a reflex of ${\Phi}$-feature. Hence, it is suggested that there is a pure expletive with a [person] feature. It has shown that the uninterpretable [person] feature of there is not erased by the nonfinite T($T_{def}$) in terms of Agree in the Raising and ECM constructions. Again the uninterpretable [person] feature of there Agrees with finite T and moves to SPEC-T to satisfy the EPP feature, and finally the uninterpretable [person] feature of there is erased. PRT(=-en) is also regarded as a defective probe with a [number] feature and a [gender] feature.

• 한국컴퓨터정보학회논문지
• /
• 제16권10호
• /
• pp.219-228
• /
• 2011

본 연구는 다양한 언어 데이터 분석을 통해 최소주의에서의 확대투사원리에 대한 대안을 제시하는데 역점을 둔다. 확대투사원리는 두 가지 원리에서 도출되는데, 하나는 표준이론에서의 투사원리이고 다른 하나는 주어위치는 반드시 채워야 한다는 요건을 근거한다. 이 두 원리가 하나로 병합된 확대투사원리는 이후에 계속해서 그 개념이 변한다. 최소주의 출현 이전에는 격에 의존적이었으나, Chomsky(1995)의 최소주의 하에서는 범주자질 [D]의 특성으로 귀착된다. 그러나 본 연구에서는 위치 도치 구문, 허사 there 구문, 결속이론과 같은 구문에서의 다양한 언어 데이터를 분석하여 굴절어구의 지정어 위치는 최대로 투사된 어휘항목에 의해 반드시 채워져야 한다는 대안을 제시한다.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
• /
• 제18권1호
• /
• pp.33-52
• /
• 2014

This paper proposes a unified structural account of some instances of the English Modals and Semi-auxiliaries. The classification and the syntactic/structural description of the English Modal auxiliary verbs and verb-related elements have long been the center for many proposals in the history of generative syntax. According to van Gelderen (1993) and Lightfoot (2002), it was sometime around 1380 that the Tense-node (T) appeared in the phrasal structures of the English language, and the T-node is under which the English Modal auxiliaries occupy. Closely related is the existing evidence that English Modals were used as main verbs up to the early sixteenth century (Lightfoot 1991, Han 2000). This paper argues for a bi-clausal approach to English Modal auxiliaries with the infinitival particle 'to' such as 'ought to' 'used to' and 'dare (to)' 'need (to)', etc. and Semi-auxiliaries including 'be to' and 'have to'. More specifically, 'ought' in 'ought to' constructions, for instance, undergoes V-to-T movement within the matrix clause, just like 'HAVEAux' and all instances of 'BE', whereas 'to' occupies the T position of the embedded complement clause. By proposing the bi-clausal account, Radford's (2004, 2009) problems can be solved. Further, the historical motivation for the account takes a stance along with Norde (2009) and Brinton & Traugott (2005) in that Radford's (2004, 2009) syncretization of the two positions of the infinitival particle 'to' is no different from the 'boundary loss' in the process of Grammariticalization. This line of argument supports Krug's (2011), and in turn Bolinger's(1980) generalization on Auxiliaryhood, while providing a novel insight into Head movement of V-to-T in Present Day English.