• Title/Summary/Keyword: ethnic nationalism

Search Result 30, Processing Time 0.022 seconds

National Revolution vs. Civil Revolution: The Comparison between Thailand and Myanmar (민족혁명과 시민혁명: 타이와 미얀마)

  • Park, Eunhong
    • The Southeast Asian review
    • /
    • v.24 no.2
    • /
    • pp.127-165
    • /
    • 2014
  • This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

The Pluralism of Ethnic Cultures and Inclusive Development in the Philippines

  • Maohong, BAO
    • SUVANNABHUMI
    • /
    • v.7 no.1
    • /
    • pp.139-155
    • /
    • 2015
  • The relation of culture and development is complicated and multilayered. Inclusive development has been the national strategy of the government of President Benigno Aquino III. However, the role the culture is scarcely mentioned. This paper will try to contextualize development in Philippine history to further show the importance of national consciousness, ethnic cultures, indigenous cultures and modern culture,. This paper concludes that inclusive development of the Philippines will be achieved through glocalization, based on the creative reconstruction of cultures in and out of the Philippines.

  • PDF

Art and Collectivity (미술과 집단성)

  • Kwok, Kian-Chow
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
    • /
    • no.4
    • /
    • pp.181-202
    • /
    • 2006
  • "When it comes to art, nationalism is a goodticket to ride with", says the title of a report in the Indian Express (Mumbai, 29 Oct 2000). The newspaper report goes on to say that since Indian art was kept "ethnic" by colonialism, national liberation meant opening up to the world on India's own terms. Advocacy, at the tail end of the 20th century, would contrast dramatically with the call by Rabindranath Tagore, the founder of the academy at Santiniketan in 1901, to guard against the fetish of nationalism. "The colourless vagueness of cosmopolitanism," Tagore pronounced, "nor thefierce self-idolatry of nation-worship, is the goal of human history" (Nationalism, 1917). This contrast is significant on two counts. First is the positive aspect of "nation" as a frame in art production or circulation, at the current point of globalization when massive expansion of cultural consumers may be realized through prevailing communication networks and technology. The organization of the information market, most vividly demonstrated through the recent FIFA World Cup when one out of every five living human beings on earth watched the finals, is predicated on nations as categories. An extension of the Indian Express argument would be that tagging of artworks along the category of nation would help ensure greatest reception, and would in turn open up the reified category of "art," so as to consider new impetus from aesthetic traditions from all parts of the world many of which hereto fore regarded as "ethnic," so as to liberate art from any hegemony of "international standards." Secondly, the critique of nationalism points to a transnational civic sphere, be it Tagore's notion of people-not-nation, or the much mo re recent "transnational constellation" of Jurgen Habermas (2001), a vision for the European Union w here civil sphere beyond confines of nation opens up new possibilities, and may serve as a model for a liberated sphere on global scale. There are other levels of collectivity which art may address, for instance the Indonesian example of local communities headed by Ketua Rukun Tetangga, the neighbourhood headmen, in which community matters of culture and the arts are organically woven into the communal fabric. Art and collectivity at the national-transnational level yield a contrasting situation of, on the idealized end, the dual inputs of local culture and tradition through "nation" as necessary frame, and the concurrent development of a transnational, culturally and aesthetically vibrant civic sphere that will ensure a cosmopolitanism that is not a "colourless vagueness." In art historical studies, this is seen, for instance, in the recent discussion on "cosmopolitan modernisms." Conversely, we may see a dual tyranny of a nationalism that is a closure (sometimes stated as "ethno-nationalism" which is disputable), and an internationalism that is evolved through restrictive understanding of historical development within privileged expressions. In art historical terms, where there is a lack of investigation into the reality of multiple modernisms, the possibility of a democratic cosmopolitanism in art is severely curtailed. The advocacy of a liberal cosmopolitanism without a democratic foundation returns art to dominance of historical privileged category. A local community with lack of transnational inputs may sometimes place emphasis on neo-traditionalism which is also a double edged sword, as re kindling with traditions is both liberating and restrictive, which in turn interplays with the push and pull of the collective matrix.

  • PDF

The Formation of Korean-ness and the Advent of the Split-Consciousness: Embracing Multiple Realities in Yeom Sangseop's Mansejeon

  • Capener, Steven D.
    • Journal of English Language & Literature
    • /
    • v.64 no.3
    • /
    • pp.347-360
    • /
    • 2018
  • It is ironic but not coincidental that the loss of Korean sovereignty to Japan roughly paralleled the formation of the idea of Korean ethnic identity. The coalescence of the content of this heretofore amorphous notion of a "pure" and transcendental (in the class sense) ethnic essence was, again ironically, the result both of ideologies taken from (or given by) Japan and resistance to Japanese encroachment. What resulted was the birth of a hybrid (sub) consciousness that was able to accommodate disparate, or even contradictory, realities simultaneously without any sense of contradiction (Christian and shaman for example). If, as Kim Chul has asserted, the colonial period was the most impactful in forming today's Korean society and "giving birth" to today's Korean, it becomes easy to imagine how this formation process included elements of Japanese and western culture. This meant that there was going to be an inevitable cognitive dissonance when these influences collided with the imperatives of ethnic nationalism which became the touchstone for a common Korean identity (North and South). This paper attempts to show how this split-consciousness was manifested in Yeom Sang seop's Manse jeon with the aim of identifying how it affects discourses related to nationalism and identity.

A Study of the Change of ABAKO Identity from 1950 to 1960 (1950-1960년 콩고민주공화국 바콩고동맹(ABAKO)의 정체성 변화에 대한 고찰)

  • KIM, Kwang-Su
    • Journal of the Korean Association of African Studies
    • /
    • v.43
    • /
    • pp.3-48
    • /
    • 2014
  • ABAKO(Alliance des Bakongo) of Democratic Republic of Congo is an organization founded by an ethnic group who sought to preserve its language, culture and tradition. It later developed into a political organization and led an independence movement from Belgium. In 1950, Edmond Nzeza-Nlandu founded the ABAKO in Leopoldville (currently known as Kinshasa), the capital of Belgian Congo. ABAKO changed into a political organization, however, when Nzeza-Nlandu stepped down from his position and Joseph Kasa-Vubu was elected instead as the chief of ABAKO in March 21, 1954. The Bakongo nationalism, as a link between the Kongo Kingdom of the past and the Bakongo people of the present, had influence on their cultural identity, attitude towards authority, political orientation, a common ground for geographical boundaries, and provided foundation for group mobilization. Moreover, the Kimbangu Church, founded by Simon Kimbangu had close ties with ABAKO. They struggled to obtain independece from the Belgian colonial rule. In conclusion, the leaders and members of ABAKO regarded the 'ethnic, linguistic and historical' affinities as the identity of their Bakongo nationalist group.

Director Yim Jin-Taek's Grounded Aesthetics of Community-based Theatre (임진택의 공동체 지향 연출론: 공동체적 세계관과 미학의 발현 -1970년대와 80년대 대학 공동체 마당굿 퍼포먼스 연출 시기에 초점을 맞추어-)

  • Lee, Gangim
    • Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
    • /
    • no.48
    • /
    • pp.289-332
    • /
    • 2012
  • In this paper, based on the theory of performance studies and community-based theatre, I venture to explicate the socio-political significance of director Yim Jin-Taek's community-based performance called 'madanggut', which is heavily based on elements of indigenous culture. Yim's madanggut utilizes elements of indigenous cultures and searches for 'the Korean ethnic (arche)type' as 'the ideal Korean type' or 'genuine Korean-ness' for the reconstruction of 'the Korean ethnic community.' This paper interrogates the major task of Yim Jin-Taek's madanggut, which ideologically promulgates the idea of ethnocentric patriarchy supported by the traditional (mainly Confucianist) notion of 'community' - inquiring if this type of theatre can provide useful and practical prospects for imagining a more democratic and plural civilian society in Korea today, when the interaction of globalization, nationalism, regionalism, and localism simultaneously impact our everyday life and cultural identification. Regarding the recent global phenomenon of the resurgence of nationalism, I looked at madanggut's use of symbolic resources from the past for imaginative communal bonding as a nation. But, the claimed homogeneity of the national past by means of 'nation conflation' of different social groups is an illusionary conceptualization, and the national historiography silences memories of the marginalized groups and denies their histories. It is certain that in Korea nationalism has historically performed an important function during the colonization and democratization period. Nevertheless, as Yim's Nokdukkot realized, it cannot be overlooked that as a representative of 'the Korean ethnic community,' 'the protecting man/the sacrificial woman' is contradictory to the plural and lateral thinking of participatory democracy in community-building. It is time to think about a new political language that relates individuals to the community and nation. 'The ethnic type' cannot represent the whole nation and the members of the nation should be the examples of the community they belong to for a more democratic society. I have selected Yim's several community-based works mainly from the 1970s to the 1980s since the works provide grounding images, symbols, metaphors, and allegories pertinent to discussing how 'the Korean ethnic community' has been narrativized through the performances of madanggut during the turbulent epoch of globalization. I hope that this paper presents Yim's grounded aesthetics of community-based theatre with fully contoured critical views and ideas.

The Ethnicity and National Identity among Transmigrant: The Acehnese Community in Jakarta (이주민 집단의 종족과 국가에 대한 인식: 자카르타의 아쩨인 공동체 사례연구)

  • Jeong, Jeonghun
    • The Southeast Asian review
    • /
    • v.22 no.2
    • /
    • pp.133-170
    • /
    • 2012
  • This thesis aims to analyze the political, social, and cultural activities of the Acehnese ethnic group living in Jakarta, Indonesia. Based on analysis, this thesis examines how their ethnicity and national identity have been formed and expressed. For this purpose, this study deals with Taman Iskandar Muda (hereinafter referred to as TIM), a group of Acehnese transmigrants living in Jakarta. The immigration of the Acehnese to Jakarta started in the 1950s and the number of Acehnese people living in Jakarta persently amounts to 100,000. TIM, which was organized by the first generational of immigrants, functions to group Acehnese immigrants of various generations and class. Forum Keprihatinan Untuk Aceh(hereinafter referred to as Forka), an organization designed to solve the political problems of TIM, undertook various activities to maintain the peace of Aceh as the representative of TIM. Through those activities, TIM and Forka were able to confirm the feeling of homogeneity among the Acehnese who were living in their hometown and also strengthen their identity within the organizations. However, the fact that TIM and Forka put their focus on humanitarian activities paradoxically shows the political limitations that they sustain. TIM and Forka take care not to make their humanitarian activities seem as if they intend to openly strengthen their Acehnese identity and deny their Indonesian one. These political characteristics of Forka's identity are commonly found in groups that practice long-distance nationalism, as transmigrants in diaspora circumstances do. In the organization of TIM, there exists the menasah, which is a space where discussions of the ethnicity and the nation are practiced. As it is the space for local exchange, menasah reveals the identity of TIM through educational/social activities and public services. Menasah functions as the public arena where people practice ethnic identity on the basis of national integration. As a minority ethnic group living in Jakarta and its neighborhood, they are accustomed to double and selective political activities, social activities, and cultural practices. In order to adapt themselves to the double circumstance that they are faced with, they should live extemporaneously, and this life may be the fate that minority ethnic and transmigrants should endure.

The Political Potentials and Pitfalls of Diaspora (디아스포라의 정치적 가능성과 문제점)

  • Rhee, Suk Koo
    • English & American cultural studies
    • /
    • v.14 no.2
    • /
    • pp.185-206
    • /
    • 2014
  • The concept of the "diaspora" has established itself as one of the major topics in literary and cultural studies in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Contemporary studies on this topic tend to regard is diaspora as either as a liberatory space unmoored from a repressive national identity-formation or as a condition pregnant with challenges to the authority of a nation-state or nationalism. Viewed from within the social realities of multi-ethnic nations, however, diaspora has an alternative, darker face. For, reproduced within the concept itself, is that of a hierarchy: this hierarchy is one in which a dominant group seeks to repress the same ethnic members for their failure to conform. What is more, the cultural difference, which diaspora is believed to preserve, lends the dominant group an excuse to re-ethnicize its immigrants, subsuming them under the same extra-national category as that of the people or homeland they have left behind. By analyzing a range of historical and theoretical models, this study offers itself as an attempt to clarify the current, and often confusing, understandings of the condition of diaspora. By delving into its political potentials and discussing their possible socio-political ramifications, the study suggests that researchers of diaspora need to anchor themselves in historicity lest they end up "speaking for" their chosen subjects.

South Korean State-Building, Nationalism and Christianity: A Case Study of Cold War International Conflict, National Partition and American Hegemony for the Post-Cold War Era

  • Benedict E. DeDominicis
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
    • /
    • v.11 no.3
    • /
    • pp.277-296
    • /
    • 2023
  • The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

The Study on the Patterns and Formation Factors of the International Conflicting Area (국제분쟁지역의 유형 및 형성요인에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Han-Bang
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
    • /
    • v.8 no.2
    • /
    • pp.199-215
    • /
    • 2002
  • The socio-economic and environmental systems of world are in turmoil. International conflicts are placed in their geographical context through the integration of maps. Changes in the world political map have often been the outcome of wars and conflicts associated with major geopolitical transitions. We identify five basic types--proto-nationalism, unification nationalism, separation nationalism, liberation nationalism and renewal nationalism. Political leaders in a wide range of contexts have been able to appeal to the nationalist doctrine to justify their actions. In recent years indigenous peoples have found a new voice in their struggle for survival. Although colonial empire's ending followed long and bloody struggles in some places. We really cannot understand the modem world as a whole if we do not understand the dynamic of that part of it which has endured and struggled against colonialism. The patterns of the international conflicting area are divided internal conflict type, mixed conflict type, international conflict type. The formation factors of the international conflicting area are divided ethnic group, religion, colonialism, resource, territory. There has recently been a resurgence of Islam's importance in world affairs. The oil crises of the 1970s gave new international leverage to several Muslim states.

  • PDF