• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.325-348
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• 2011

This paper analyses how China is likely to be able to sustain its current pace of growth. The results of analysis show that China's economic growth matches standard growth patterns identified by the models of economic development such as structural change, catching up model. Furthermore, China's economic growth, within these analytical frameworks, matches those of Korea at an earlier stage of her development. So Korea's growth patterns may well apply to the future of China such as the benefits of free society with economics and politics which generate technical progress and innovations. A country with a high innovative capacity is one whose institutions - educational, economic, political, legal, and so forth - allow it to dynamically and continually generate new products and services in a myriad of sectors. These are the way how China is likely to be able to sustain her economic development.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.145-159
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• 2017

Despite the longing for democracy of most people, Myanmar has missed opportunities for social and economic development by military dictatorship. However, since 2010, the civilian government has gained new opportunities for reform. After turning to economic reform, developed countries such as the US and EU lifted the economic sanctions that they had taken in the past. As a result, it is growing rapidly compared to neighboring countries due to attracting foreign capital, tariff benefits on export items, and expansion of industrial infrastructure. Despite the increased investment value due to economic growth and democratization, the complex and customary land system of Myanmar must be an uneasy factor in securing stable land rights when entering overseas markets. Therefore, this study sought the method of securing the land rights in the development project through the analysis of the foreign investment system in Myanmar and the investigation of joint development cases. The results of this study are as follows. First, the acquisition of land use rights at the early stage of development can be considered through the foreign investment system. Under the Foreign Investment Law and Myanmar Investment Law, the land can be used for up to 70 years, and Under the Special Economic Zone Law, the land can be used for up to 75 years. Second, in relation to land compensation, it is required to establish a detailed resettlement plan for the indigenous people as the difficulty of land acquisition is expected due to the recent democratization trend and strengthening the voice of residents. Third, land use at the operational stage can be achieved by leasing the land from developers, and this will be the most realistic plan at present. In other words, the developer can directly develop the land created under the Foreign Investment Law and the Special Economic Zone Law, or Sub-lease and transfer the land use right to a third party.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.185-212
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• 2017

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.229-275
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• 2016

We study the effect of the high-skilled emigration rate on the growth rate of the source countries. We incorporate the foreign direct investment and the policy variables into the panel model and also their interactions with the high-skilled emigration rate, as they are related to the network externality that may be created by the high-skilled emigrants working abroad. We apply the static fixed-effects model and compare it with the results obtained in the dynamic panel model with system generalized methods of moments estimators. We find the negative effect of the high-skilled emigration rate by itself and in its interaction with the foreign direct investment only in the dynamic model. However, we find positive coefficient for the interaction of the high-skilled emigration rate and the civil liberties index, which holds across the static and dynamic specifications. This implies that the effect of the high-skilled emigration rate on the growth rate of the source countries can be positive, and the extent is larger for countries with 'poor' civil liberties. The developing countries with low levels of foreign direct investment inflows and 'poor' civil liberties can best benefit from the high levels of skilled emigration outward. Through finding significant interactions with other variables, we confirm that the high-skilled emigration should be considered along with other related variables in measuring its impact on growth. The implications offer suggestions for the international trade and aid policies.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.121-143
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• 2017

This research aims at examining two classist theories of the subject, elaborated by Negri-Hardt and $Ranci{\grave{e}}re$. Negri-Hardt proposed a new subject of the multitude, established by immaterial/biopolitical labor. This subject marks a new constitution of the proletariat which is the subject of Marxist politics. Like the proletariat, the multitude is established by economic objectivity. The democracy of the multitude becomes possible through the production of the 'common'. Economical elements always dominate the subject itself and subjective politics. The subject of the demos, established by Ranciere, is a party which claims its share in the dominating order of power. It is a subject subtracted from the logic of domination. The demos, therefore, is the subject which is constituted at the moment of the refusal of the established order and the place distributed. This refusal means a kind of subjectivity that transforms the dominating order. Then we take demos as the proper political subject subtracted from economical objectivity.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.84
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• pp.5-32
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• 2009

It is becoming harder and harder to philosophically defend liberalism in general under the circumstances in which neoliberalism is presumed to be blamed for today's global economic crisis. I nonetheless believe that liberal democracy can be revitalized with the help not from outside but from inside, although this might make my paper 'untimely'. Philosophical reflection on market is indispensible to the project of radical liberalism. Philosophy of market first delves into the nature of market in Principle. Next, it stipulates upon the complex interrelationships between the market order and the democratic order. This inquiry will cast light on that both the standard pro-market theory and the anti-market theory in relation to democracy are one-sided. The project of radical liberalism can be further articulated with the introduction of the concept of 'the political'. In conclusion, radical liberalism is expounded as a plausible version of Contemporary Korean social philosophy with a universal connotation.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.49
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• pp.264-295
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• 2002

This study aims to identify the enactment factors of the National Basic Livelihood Institution in context of policy making process by using Kingdon's policy Stream Model. The findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, an economic crisis has worsened social problems, and the president Kim Dae-jung recognized these problems as serious and worried about social confusion and polarization. Second, NGOs as like People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy put efforts into enacting the Act. Also, the president Kim's government faced a series of political crisis and needed political solution including foundation of a new party, which considered social welfare most important. Third, the PSPD designed the Act. But the alternatives of related government ministries were not selected. In conclusion, the National Basic Livelihood Institution was enacted by the combination of these three factors stream. Especially the political stream was strongest.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.255-292
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• 2009

This thesis is to study on the prospect of contemporary and theory of contemporary Chinese Neo-liberalism philosopher in the 1990s. The previous Chinese liberalists focused only on political and cultural liberalism, neglecting economic liberalism. As a result, liberalism has not taken root in China. Therefore, the social problems of contemporary China are caused by immature and unregulated market economy controlled by the government, not by the market economy. On the other hand, the social relationship in China is not capitalistic yet. The Chinese need to take the gradual developing step to modernize China. China needs to begin an effort to reform China by the way and speed of the refolution, which lies between reform and revolution; not by making new value system, but by keeping daily ethics and rediscovering the Chinese value system, which is the same as universal ethnics. Moreover, it can solve the mental, cultural problems of modern society. Modernization will be achieved not by ruining the Chinese traditions, but by adjusting the traditions, keeping, and strengthening. Consequently, China will be able to move from agricultural absolutism to modern democracy. The democracy can exist only based on the market economy. Therefore, the goal will be accomplished by democracy based on the market economy starting from Confucian tradition.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.74
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This paper aims to plan a new research program on the parallel relationship between Korean press and political power, by providing concepts on the mode of existence of professional journalists in Korea. In the midst of the economic crisis of Korean journalism, relative deteriorisation in the political democracy and the liberty of press, and changes in news ecosystem due to the revolution of digital news, the status of professional journalists is at stake. In these circumstances, this paper argues that many existing researches on journalistic professionalism need to be reconstructed in the perspective of professional project. It enables, first of all, an evaluation on actual issues of professional journalists from the actor perspective, i.e. economic interests, social closure, regulative bargain with the authority. Secondly, concerning decoupling phenomenon of journalism and democracy which became salient in the contemporary society, this study raises a necessity to create new logical relations around concepts of journalist professionalism. And we will find, in this situation, a beginning of new evaluation on the mode of existence of professional journalists, that has been possibly developped within the old, assymetric relationship between State-press. And finally, this study proposes to consider a category of professional journalists as a vehicle that helps to conceptualize the old, parallel relationship between Korean press and political power.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.36
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• pp.259-283
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• 1998

This research is based on the assumption that Korea's social consensus among two sides of industry and government on Feb. 2 '98 was not just temporary response to the economic crisis caused by International Monetary Fund financial fund. Some arguments on the applicability of social democracy and corporatism and D. Donnison's perspective on Democratic Socialism are employed in search of an appropriate social consensus model for Korean situation. In the process of analyzing Korean situation in historical context it becomes apparent that there is embryo of stable social consensus beyond the level of tentative social cooperation to overcome the economic crisis. The next step applying the social consensus model to the employment policy for people with disability levels up empirical and theoretical validity of this research. It casts some implications for disability labour market which demands another kind of social consensus among people with disability, employers and the government. These implications include a desirable solution for hard lives of unemployed people with disability in economic difficulties and current policy issues facing Korean government.