• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-24
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• 2022

This study was conducted to derive a new model for popular democracy in the modern society. The problem is exacerbated as the original model of democracy, isonomia, has faded and modern democracy is operated as a democracy in which the masses rule. Democracy is exposing a bigger problem due to the economic inequality caused by the majority rule and the capitalist economic system. Popular democracy, in which all the masses are equally qualified as sovereigns, is a structure in which cunning politicians can easily seize power if the voters are not wise. Isonomia is a system in which free people who solve economic problems on their own and have honesty, courage, dedication, sacrifice and sincerity set laws with the same qualifications, and keep the laws themselves, is a system that depends heavily on the conscience and virtue of free people. Modern popular democracy embodies the absolute equality of the sovereign regardless of economic power, but without the spirit of sacrifice and dedication to the community, those who can win popularity by wrapping themselves up as if they are sacrificial and capable people may seize power. This study presents a service-oriented democracy as a system that can maintain the merits of modern popular democracy while embodying the essence of isonomia. The system was implemented focusing on the qualifications for virtue, such as honesty, courage, sacrifice, integrity, etc., fair to all regardless of wealth. Human imperfections have been supplemented by the use of artificial intelligence. The assumption about the nature of the sovereign and public officials' agents was newly established, and the winner-take-allism problem was solved. This study proved that both the philosophy of Isonomia and the merits of Democracy can be realized through service-oriented democracy based on the common principle of humanity and the philosophy of service. Service-oriented democracy can be called revision democracy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.29-34
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• 2014

This study aimed to clarify the relationship which exists between democracy and economic development within Sub-Saharan Africa. It strived to bring out a comprehensive analysis of the reasons why the pace of democratization is slow within this region and why until present date, there are just patches of real democracies there. The work also focuses on the reasons why despite democratic movements, economic growth rates have remained lagging behind average until of recent that, and some few countries have emerged to join the list of fastest growing economies in the world. The study further highlights the unique path of Sub-Saharan Africa democratization process should follow since it does not possess the various factors that favored the democratization processes of most developed countries. In order to obtain the objectives, previous studies and statistical data published by official institutes were analysed by using contents analysis methods. Lastly, it proceeds to explain the important role that democracy plays in inclusive economic growth.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.11
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• pp.21-29
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• 2021

The objective of this study is to see how a country's level of democracy impacts the relationship between financial development and income disparity. We argue that political regimes, supported by their degree of democracy, are important for various decentralization theories to predict the impact of financial development on income inequality. Our study tests this argument using Vietnam time series data for the period 2000-2020 through the ARDL model. The financial development variable is represented by five proxies, the income inequality variable is represented by the GINI coefficient and the role of democracy is represented by the Freedom House Index. Data serving for the study is taken from data sources with high reliability. The results of the study have strong evidence that (1) financial development has a positive impact on income inequality, (2) democratic government will reduce national income inequality. (3) And a higher degree of democracy tends to mitigate the positive impact of financial development on income inequality. Thus, our study contributes to the literature by providing a new look at the mixed results regarding the relationship between financial development and theoretical income inequality. Finally, the article provides policy implications for the Government of Vietnam.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.95-104
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• 2013

The goal of this study is to confirm the extent of realization of economic democracy between the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates and the KOSDAQ listed ICT companies with focus on growth and profitability. As the results of analysis, the following were verified. First, there were differences in all aspects of the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates and the KOSDAQ listed small and medium ICT companies, including growth and profitability. Second, the pattern of economic democracy between two groups displayed relatively unrealized economic democracy structure. Third, It was found that KOSDAQ listed small and medium ICT companies were relatively much more difficult situations than the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.3-16
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• 2017

This paper aims to emphasize the necessity of beginning and developing judicial politics in Korea. Law is constitutive of politics, and judicial politics is vital in understanding how politics is influenced by law. Disappointingly, social science in Korea has not recognized the importance of judicial politics. Judicial branch in Korea does not have the capacity to constrain the executive or other government agencies governed by elected officials. The rule of law does not work. Judicial politics has not yet been introduced in Korea, despite its enormous importance in shaping political economy. The rule of law and courts are believed to be the institutional foundation for economic growth. Law embodied in "no one is above the law" is recognized to provide fairness and stability with a democracy. Little attention to judicial politics results in leaving behind a missing link in a polity. The fortification of the rule of law is necessary to make democracy consolidated in Korea, as shown in impeachment of former president Park Geunhae. A new scholarship in Korea on judicial politics is in need to discuss what conditions under which the rule of law is possible and how to make it sustainable.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2021

Through an empirical comparative analysis, we found that people in mainland China and Taiwan demonstrate strong similarities in their support for democracy, based on democratic suitability, efficiency, preference, and priority. There are also differences in beliefs about democratic values. Compared to people in mainland China, the Taiwanese have a deeper and more widely shared belief in the principles of participation and pluralism, while the differences between their beliefs in the principles of equality, freedom, and checks and balances are narrow. Furthermore, people in mainland China and Taiwan have a strong similarity in their understanding of democracy, that is, they all present a mixed democratic understanding based on substantive bias. Overall, although the differences between mainland China and Taiwan's democratic practices are reflected in the level of value identification from the perspective of democratic support and democratic understanding, the popular democratic political culture in mainland China and Taiwan still has a relatively broad consensus. Thus, the integration and development of cross-strait relations not only has an increasingly profound social and economic foundation but also considerable consensus and mass support on the political and cultural level.

• East Asian Journal of Business Economics (EAJBE)
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.29-34
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• 2024

Purpose: The primary objective of this study was to examine the influence of economic democratization on economic development from diverse perspectives. Research design, Data methodology: Justification of the qualitative literature methods used in this study is essential, as extensive descriptions, justifications, and explanations of the methods used allow researchers to increase the reliability of their studies for specific or specified audiences. Initially, the concept and principal attributes of economic democratization were scrutinized, followed by an exploration of its manifold effects on economic development. Results: Consequently, this study facilitated a comprehensive comprehension of how economic democratization fosters economic growth and advancement in contemporary society. Additionally, the study deliberated on the constraints and hurdles of economic democratization, proposing policy recommendations for future mitigation. Conclusion: In conclusion, this study is anticipated to furnish foundational data for regional economic development to both academia and policymakers. It achieves this by thoroughly evaluating the impact of economic democratization on economic development and delving into the dynamic interaction between democracy and economic progress.