• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.137-158
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• 2023

In the modern digitized data society, there is a growing emphasis on securing trustworthiness and fairness in data utilization, along with data openness. By defining the concept of data democracy from various perspectives and presenting elements of normative values, this study aims to provide a basic conceptual framework to identify and evaluate the data governance system and levels of data democracy. As a foundation for the discussion of data democracy, based on Kneuer's (2016) conceptualization of e-democracy, free and equitable access, e-participation, and e-government were introduced as core dimensions of e-democracy. To improve the quality of data governance and foster a better understanding and practical application of the concept of data democracy, this study takes a normative approach from the perspective of democracy. Inclusiveness, equity, participation, and democratic sovereignty are provided as core dimensions of data democracy. This study highlights the significance of data literacy in promoting data democracy. It proposes the creation and assessment of a curriculum rooted in the normative principles of data democracy within the field of library and information science for future investigation.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.9-29
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• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discussion and the success conditions on the digital democracy and issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and to propose alternatives for solving these issues. To accomplish this purpose, this paper review actual conditions of the digital politics, analyze on results of e-party driving of Korean parties, review issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and propose alternatives for solving these issues. Proposed conditions on digital politics and e-party development will contribute to the prosperity of the Korean politics. In near future, an empirical study on the standpoints of voters politicians will be followed.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.3-22
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• 2013

This study analyzed the research trends and methodologies through meta analysis method on the issues of ICT policy and e-government in Korean major journals and proceedings including Korean Association of Public Administration (KAPA), Korean Association of Policy Studies (KAPS), and Korean Journal of Information Policy of NIA (National Information Agency). The results showed that methodology has changed from explorative study with conceptualization to experimental study with theoretical model and cases. Qualitative approaches including case studies and description with policy implications were employed more as analyses tools. In terms of contents, system effectiveness and e-governance issues prevailed in the early 2000s, and since then, it has changed into ICT-based social changes and looking for generalization of theories including e-democracy, e-service, e-participation, digital divide, and post-information society. Now we are facing another ICT revolution of social network via web3.0 and gov3.0 and it is time to open a new theoretical debate, deconstruction of discourse, and collaborative perspective among different disciplines.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.121-143
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• 2017

This research aims at examining two classist theories of the subject, elaborated by Negri-Hardt and $Ranci{\grave{e}}re$. Negri-Hardt proposed a new subject of the multitude, established by immaterial/biopolitical labor. This subject marks a new constitution of the proletariat which is the subject of Marxist politics. Like the proletariat, the multitude is established by economic objectivity. The democracy of the multitude becomes possible through the production of the 'common'. Economical elements always dominate the subject itself and subjective politics. The subject of the demos, established by Ranciere, is a party which claims its share in the dominating order of power. It is a subject subtracted from the logic of domination. The demos, therefore, is the subject which is constituted at the moment of the refusal of the established order and the place distributed. This refusal means a kind of subjectivity that transforms the dominating order. Then we take demos as the proper political subject subtracted from economical objectivity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.5-28
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• 2010

The theoretical scope of the public sphere has been dramatically expanded as a result of new academic inquiries into the nature of the political and the public in contemporary societies. While appreciating the value of the concept of the public sphere for understanding democratic roles of the media, scholars began to raise questions on Habermasians' exclusive focus on news and public affairs programs, arguing that various entertainment programs also can invoke political deliberation. Terms like affective public sphere, emotional public sphere, aesthetic public sphere, expressive public sphere were used to capture this new conception. To comprehend the theoretical and practical implications of the conceptual expansion of the public sphere for media studies, this study attempted to provide a typology of media-public sphere relationships. By using public-private and rational-emotional axes as two criteria for classification, we created four prototypes of the public sphere (i.e., political public sphere, populism, difference pluralism, and intimacy/privacy) and discussed the characteristics of each type. After setting out media communication as a form of meta-public sphere that mediates and coordinates the four different types of the public sphere, we presented public service broadcasting as an exemplar meta-public sphere in the contemporary society of multiple social antagonisms and differences.

• Proceedings of the CALSEC Conference
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• 2002.01a
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• pp.369-394
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• 2002

국가와 시민의 관계에서 볼 때, 기존의 정치·경제·행정체제 및 운용의 모습은 많은 문제점을 드러내고 있다. 정치적으로 간접(의회)민주주의 제도는 국민참여의 축소, 공공의제 및 영역의 축소, 사회적 불평등의 심화 및 정치불신을 초래하였으며, 경제적으로 시장경제의 실패는 정부개입과 그에 따른 정부의 실패를 야기하였다(정정목, 2000). 또한 행정 부분에서는 삼권분립의 견제와 균형보다는 행정권의 강화에 따른 이른바 행정국가의 등장과 이에 따른 국민의 저항과 입법 및 사법부의 위축 등을 경험하였다. (중략)

• Communications of Mathematical Education
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• v.11
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• pp.437-450
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• 2001

본고는 ICME-9에서 발표되었던 Alan Bishop과 B. D‘Ambrosio의 논문을 중심으로 미래의 수학교육방향을 고찰해보고자 시도되었다. 민주화는 교육의 한 측면으로 항상 제시되어왔음에도 불구하고 수학 교육에서는 명확하게 제시되어진 일이 거의 없다. 우리 모두가 여전히 수학은 일부 공부 잘하고 머리 좋은 사람들만이 잘 할 수 있는 과목이라고 생각하여왔고 그러한 생각은 학교 졸업 후 사회에 나가서도 특권의식으로 발전한다. 그러나 수학이 메마르고 특권주의적 과목이 아닌 보편적이고 민주적인 과목 즉, “모두를 위한 수학교육”이 되어야 함을 자세히 살펴보았다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.92-114
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze people's motivations to use the National Petition service of CheongWaDae, the Presidential Office of Korea. The online space has been used as a testbed of deliberative democracy. In fact, a wide variety of public opinions are being formed and gaining sympathy through the E-Petitions and Daum's Agora. In this regard, President Moon's government launched a petition site to gather public opinions. For any petition agreed on by more than 20,000 people within 30 days, the relevant ministry or the President's office must provide answers or feedback. This study wants to figure out how this National Petition is different from previous platforms like Agora or E-Petitions and why it is so well-received by people. This study uses a mix of both qualitative and quantitative methods. First, we conducted a focus group interview to factorize experiences of using the National Petition into measurable constructs. Second, we did a survey o 156 Koreans who had experienced the National Petition. Results show that symbolism, usefulness, gratification, and trust have positive impact on continuous usage intention. This study argues that symbolism, usefulness, gratification, and trust factors should be in place rather than technical aspects in order to increase the actual participation of users on the online platform of deliberative democracy. In addition, this study is meaningful in that it examined how different the CheongWaDae's National Petition is from the existing platforms for collecting public opinions and analyzed factors that encourage continuous use.