• 제목/요약/키워드: documentary

Search Result 749, Processing Time 0.027 seconds

Performing dramaturgy of director as a theatrical director : In terms of researching practice and documentation on the creative quadrilogy on Crime and Punishment ('연극의 작가'로서 연출가의 드라마투르그적 수행 - <죄와벌> 4부작 창작에 관한 '리서치적 실천'과 기록)

  • Kim, Weon Cuk
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.32
    • /
    • pp.549-594
    • /
    • 2016
  • This research focuses on 'dramaturgical' performance among all the acts of a director who constructs an artistic structure. This is, specifically, the dramaturgical acts that a director comes to perform in the process of dramatizing a novel. This paper aims to suggest a new kind of approach for productive interaction between drama theory and practice, not only by documenting the process of creation but also by moulding theoretical basis on acts of a director. As you all know, creative acts in practice so far have rarely been considered as subject and purpose of academic study. Even some lucky plays and directors had to settle for fragmentary review. That's mainly because Korean theatrical circles confine the way of recording the whole process of drama in practice only to a piecemeal review of performance. As a result, there have been very few cases of observing comtemporary plays under the historical background of drama. In this regard, this paper desires to raise a question, 'is productive interaction between drama theory and creative practice possible?' and to find the answer. If what is described in this paper can have worth beyond a mere record of creative acts, it may establish theoretical grounds on interpreting the play stage of this era by reading, in the contexts of drama history, a director's dramaturgical performing acts to dramatize a novel. The researcher of this paper, as a director of a theater troupe like a human and artistic community, adapted "Crime and Punishment" by Dostoevsky into four plays. They are , , , , and completed in 2009, 2011, 2012, and 2014, respectively as an independent theatric work having no connections to each other in story. Not only because the four plays share the same novel as its origin but also because an identical system is applied to dramatization of the novel, it gives an opportunity to focus on and perceive the role of the director. During the process of dramatiztion, the director, the researcher of this paper, carried all the duties, such as selecting a text, approaching the text theoretically and academically, adapting it for drama, picking out appropriate episodes. This paper defines all these acts as dramaturgical performing acts. In this sense, this paper can also be seen as a documentary of 'acts' performed during the process of dramatization.

A Study on the Ethics of Reproduction in Alain Resnais's Film -Focusing on , , and (알랭 레네 영화로 본 재현의 윤리 연구 -<밤과 안개>, <히로시마 내 사랑>, <뮤리엘>을 중심으로)

  • Choi, Eun-Jeong
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
    • /
    • v.25 no.1
    • /
    • pp.393-425
    • /
    • 2019
  • This paper focuses on Alain Resnais's representative works (1955), (1959), and (1963), and analyzes how he implements a representation of memory though cinematic apparatus. These three films deal with horrific memories that seem impossible to reproduce aesthetically such as the Holocaust, the Hiroshima Atomic Bomb, World War II, and the war in Algeria. The reappearance of events that stripped humans of even their minimum dignity can naturally be associated with ethical issues. These events can never be reproduced because they cannot be explained in the human language. It is also impossible to reproduce in a way that doesn't invade other peoples' sufferings, nor displays the pain of others as spectacles. Alain Resnais was a director who realized that if factual representation was not possible from the beginning, truthfulness would have to be approached through cinematic form. Therefore, he tries to overcome these problems through cinematic forms. First, he shifts to action films to avoid the obscenity of documentary. shows the records of camps captured by German forces in the past, while shows the pain of others in a fictional form of representation. Next, he describes how the trauma affects the identity of the main character through a flashback in , but also shows a main character who is experiencing trauma without a flashback in Flashbacks have the effect of showing the effects of trauma on the main character, but at the same time they involve the obscenity of enjoying the suffering of others. Nonetheless, the absence of flashbacks highlights the impossibility of representation. This is because it is not silent in the impossibility of representation but is constantly approaching. The attitude that repeatedly circles around impossibility is an ethical form that maximizes the impossibility of representation. In conclusion, this is the ethics of representation that Alain Resnais showed in his films.

A Study on a Prevention of Long-term Care self-reliance Support for the Elderly in Home: Proposal of an Prevention and Support for Self-reliance Support Model (재가노인의 장기요양예방과 자립지원에 관한 연구: 예방·자립지원 모형설계 방안제언)

  • Kim, Hyun-Sil;Hwang, Sung-Ja
    • 한국노년학
    • /
    • v.30 no.4
    • /
    • pp.1359-1375
    • /
    • 2010
  • Expecting the expansion of the elderly population under long-term home care with the coming of the aged society, this study purposed to propose a prevention and self-reliance support model and to get practical implications for minimizing dependency on care benefits and enhancing the effectiveness of prevention and self-reliance support. Research methods employed for this study were: first, reviewing theoretical literature for clarifying the concept of prevention and self-reliance support in providing long-term care benefits for the elderly; second, identifying factors hindering prevention and self-reliance support through analyzing standard long-term care use plans and documents related to long-term care benefits at elderly welfare centers to which the research subjects belonged; and third, surveying care benefit users on factors hindering their use of prevention and self-reliance support and their needs in the use of care benefits. Based on the results of the three types of qualitative research, we proposed directions for prevention and self-reliance support modeling and suggested practical implications for enhancing the effectiveness of prevention and self-reliance support. For this study, we collected documentary materials and conducted in-depth interviews with the participants with the consents and cooperation of managers and professional social workers at day care centers and elderly welfare centers in D City. According to the results of this study, literature review suggested that long-term care prevention and self-reliance support should be provided in a way of 'strengthening user-centered support systems,' which support elderly long-term care beneficiaries' right to lead a life as the subject of their own life. Document analysis found the absence of benefits related to health and medicine and lack of social support systems for prevention and self-reliance support, and the results of in-depth interviews suggested the necessity to strengthen services related to elderly long-term care beneficiaries' prevention and self-reliance, and the keen needs of the long-term care elders for prevention and self-reliance included: ① loneliness, anxiety, fear; ② missing for and worry about children and people; ③ moving, outing; ④ health and medical services, rehabilitation programs; ⑤ desire to use day care; ⑥ inconvenience of house structure; ⑦desire for meal menus; and ⑧ the occurrence of disuse syndrome. Based on these results, we suggested the base of prevention and self-reliance support modeling with three axes: ① strengthening user-centered support systems; ② strengthening support systems connected to health and medicine; and ③ strengthening social support systems.

A Basic Study on the Euryale ferox Salisbury for Introduction in Garden Pond - Focusing on the Flora and Vegetation - (정원내 가시연꽃(Euryale ferox Salisbury) 도입을 위한 기초연구 - 식물상과 식생을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Suk-Woo;Rho, Jae-Hyun;Oh, Hyun-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.34 no.1
    • /
    • pp.83-96
    • /
    • 2016
  • Through the research and analysis on the vegetation environment, flora of habitats through documentary and field studies over 14 habitats of Euryale ferox Salisbury within Jeollabukdo, with the objective of acquiring the basic data for forming an environment based on plantation of reservoirs that are composed with Euryale ferox, the following results were obtained. 1. The entire flora of the 14 habitats appeared to be 79 families, 211 genus, 298 species, two subspecies, 30 varieties and six forma, thus, a total of 336 taxa was confirmed. Among these, emergent water plants appeared to compose 17 taxa, floating-leaved plants to compose seven taxa including Euryale ferox floating plants to compose five taxa and submerged water plants to compose two taxa. As a result of analyzing the similarity only over the water plants. The lowest similarity rate appeared between Gamdong Reservoir and Aedang Reservoir, as the similarity rate between the two regions appeared to be 0% as a result of the analysis. Floating-leaved plants, lotuses and caltrops, appeared to be equally inhabiting in Hanseongji at Jeongeup and Seoknam Reservoir at Gochang, which showed the highest similarity rate, in addition to Euryale ferox. 2. When examining the appearance frequency of aquatic plants per growth type, Actinostemma lobatum and Phragmites communis, in addition to Euryale ferox each appeared 11 times, showing a high frequency of 78.6% and Trapa japonica, which is a floating-leaved water plant, appeared ten times(71.4%) and Zizania latifolia appeared eight times(57.1%). In addition, the appearance rate appeared to be high in the order of Persicaria thunbergii, Leersia sayanuka, Ceratophyllum demersum, Echinochloa crusgalli var. oryzicola, Scirpus maritimus, and Nelumbo nucifera. 3. The rare plants discovered in the Euryale ferox habitats pursuant to the IUCN evaluation standards was confirmed to be composed of five taxa, with three taxa including the least concerned species(LC), Melothria japonica at Yanggok Reservoir, Hydrocharis dubia at Myeongdeokji and Ottelia alismoides at Daewi Reservoir, in addition to vulnerable species(VU), Utricularia vulgaris at Sangpyeong Reservoir, along with Euryale ferox. 4. Most of the group or community types of the natural habitats of Euryale ferox appeared to be the Euryale ferix community' and the Daewi Reservoir of Gunsan was defined as caltrop + Euryale ferox + Nymphoides indica community. The green coverage ratio of Euryale ferox per natural habitats showed a considerably huge deviation from 0.03 to 36.50 and as the average green coverage ratio was appropriated as 9.8, it can be considered that maintaining the green coverage ratio of Euryale ferox in a 10% level would be advisable when forming a reservoir with Euryale ferox as the key composition species. 5. The vegetation community nearby the natural habitats of Euryale ferox per research subject area appeared to be composed of three Leersia japonica communities, two communities each for Zizania latifolia community and Trapa japonica community and one community each for Nelumbo nucifera community, Nymphoides peltata + Typha orientalis community, Trapa japonica + Nelumbo nucifera community, Hydrocharis dubia community, Leersia japnica + Paspalum distichum var. indutum community and Euryale ferox + Trapa japonica community, showing a slight difference depending on the location conditions of each reservoir. Thus, this result may be suggested as a guideline to apply when allocating the vegetation ratio and the types of floating-leaved plants upon planting plants in reservoirs with Euryale ferox as the main companion species.

Studies on the Assumption of the Locations and Formational Characteristics in Yigye-gugok, Mt. Bukhansan (북한산 이계구곡(耳溪九曲)의 위치비정과 집경(集景) 특성)

  • Jung, Woo-Jin;Rho, Jae-Hyun;Lee, Hee-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.35 no.3
    • /
    • pp.41-66
    • /
    • 2017
  • The purpose of this research is to empirically trace the junctures of Yigye-gugok managed by Gwan-am Hong Gyeong-mo, a grandson of Yigye Hong Yang-ho who originally designed Yigye-gugok, while reviewing the features of the forms and patterns of gugok. The results of the research are as follows. 1. Ui-dong was part of the domain of the capital during the Chosun dynasty, which also is located in the city of Seoul as a matter of administrative zone. Likewisely, Yigye-gugok is taken as a special meaning for it was one and only gugok. Starting with Mangyeong Waterfall as the $1^{st}$ gok, Yigye follows through the $2^{nd}$ gok of Jeokchwibyeong Rock, the $3^{rd}$ gok of Chanunbong Peak, the $4^{th}$ gok of Jinuigang Rock, the $5^{th}$ gok of Okkyeongdae Rock, the $6^{th}$ gok of Wolyeongdam Pond, the $7^{th}$ gok of Tagyeongam Rock, the $8^{th}$ gok of Myeongoktan Stream, and the $9^{th}$ gok of Jaeganjeong Pavilion. Of these, Mangyeong Waterfall, Chanunbong Peak, and Okkyeongdae Rock are distinct for their locations in as much as their features, while estimated locations for Jinuigang Rock, Wolyeongdam Pond, Myeongoktan Stream, and Jaeganjeong Pavilion were discovered. However, Jeokchwibyeong Rock and Tagyeongam Rock demonstrated multiple locations in close resemblance to documentary literatures within secretive proximity, whereas geography, scenery, and sighted objects were considered to evaluate the 1st estimated location. Through these endeavored, it was possible to identify the shipping routes and structures for the total distance of 2.1km running from the $1^{st}$ gok to the $9^{th}$ gok, which nears Gwanam's description of 5ri(里), or approximately 1.96km for gugok. 2. Set towards the end of the $18^{th}$ century, Yigye-gugok originated from a series of work shaping the space of Hong Yang-ho's tomb into a space for the family. Comparing Yigye-gugok to other gugoks, numerous differences are apparent from beyond the rather more general format such as adjoining the $8^{th}$ gok while paving through the lower directions from the upper directions of the water. This gives rises to the interpretation such that Yigye-gugok was positioned to separate the doman of the family from those of the other families in power, thereby taking over Ui-dong. Yet, the aspect of the possession of the space lends itself to the determination that the location positioned at the $8^{th}$ gok above Mangyeongpok Waterfall representing Wooyi-dong was a consequence of the centrifugal space creation efforts. 3. While writings and poetic works were manufactured in such large quantities in Yigye-gugok whose products of setters and managers seemed intended towards gugok-do and letters carved on the rocks among others, there is yet a tremendous lack of visual media in the same respect. 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting offers the traces of Gwanam's attempts to engrave gakja at the food of Yigye-gugok. This research was able to ascertain that 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting was a product of Hong Yang-ho's collections maintained under the auspices of the National Central Museum, which are renowned for Song Shi-yeol's penmanship.

The Requirement and Effect of the Document of Carriage in Respect of the International Carriage of Cargo by Air (국제항공화물운송에 관한 운송증서의 요건 및 효력)

  • Lee, Kang-Bin
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
    • /
    • v.23 no.2
    • /
    • pp.67-92
    • /
    • 2008
  • The purpose of this paper is to research the requirements and effect of the document of carriage in respect of the carriage of cargo by air under the Montreal Convention of 1999, IATA Conditions of Carriage for Cargo, and the judicial precedents of Korea and foreign countries. Under the Article 4 of Montreal Convention, in respect of the carriage of cargo, an air waybill shall be delivered. If any other means which preserves a record of the carriage are used, the carrier shall, if so requested by the consignor, deliver to the consignor a cargo receipt. Under the Article 7 of Montreal convention, the air waybill shall be made out by the consignor. If, at the request of the consignor, the carrier makes it out, the carrier shall be deemed to have done so on behalf of the consignor. The air waybill shall be made out in three original parts. The first part shall be marked "for the carrier", and shall be signed by the consignor. The second part shall be marked "for the consignee", and shall be signed by the consignor and by the carrier. The third part shall be signed by the carrier who shall hand it to the consignor after the goods have been accepted. Under the Article 5 of Montreal Convention, the air waybill or the cargo receipt shall include (a) an indication of the places of departure and destination, (b) an indication of at least one agreed stopping place, (c) an indication of the weight of the consignment. Under the Article 10 of Montreal Convention, the consignor shall indemnify the carrier against all damages suffered by the carrier or any other person to whom the carrier is liable, by reason of the irregularity, incorrectness or incompleteness of the particulars and statement furnished by the consignor or on its behalf. Under the Article 9 of Montreal Convention, non-compliance with the Article 4 to 8 of Montreal Convention shall not affect the existence of the validity of the contract, which shall be subject to the rules of Montreal Convention including those relating to limitation of liability. The air waybill is not a document of title or negotiable instrument. Under the Article 11 of Montreal Convention, the air waybill or cargo receipt is prima facie evidence of the conclusion of the contract, of the acceptance of the cargo and of the conditions of carriage. Under the Article 12 of Montreal Convention, if the carrier carries out the instructions of the consignor for the disposition of the cargo without requiring the production of the part of the air waybill or the cargo receipt, the carrier will be liable, for any damage which may be accused thereby to any person who is lawfully in possession of that part of the air waybill or the cargo receipt. According to the precedent of Korea Supreme Court sentenced on 22 July 2004, the freight forwarder as carrier was not liable for the illegal delivery of cargo to the notify party (actual importer) on the air waybill by the operator of the bonded warehouse because the freighter did not designate the boned warehouse and did not hold the position of employer to the operator of the bonded warehouse. In conclusion, as the Korea Customs Authorities will drive the e-Freight project for the carriage of cargo by air, the carrier and freight forwarder should pay attention to the requirements and legal effect of the electronic documentation of the carriage of cargo by air.

  • PDF

A Review of Current Status and Placeness on the Yusang-Goksu Ruins in Hwanggak-dong, Geumma, Iksan (익산 금마 황각동 유상곡수 유적 일대의 현황과 장소성에 대한 일고찰)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Han, Min-Soon;Seo, Youn-Mi;Park, Yool-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.40 no.3
    • /
    • pp.20-35
    • /
    • 2022
  • This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.

A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.97
    • /
    • pp.14-54
    • /
    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

Broadening the Understanding of Sixteenth-century Real Scenery Landscape Painting: Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion (16세기(十六世紀) 실경산수화(實景山水畫) 이해의 확장 : <경포대도(鏡浦臺圖)>, <총석정도(叢石亭圖)>를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Soomi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.96
    • /
    • pp.18-53
    • /
    • 2019
  • The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.