• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.60 no.3
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• pp.5-30
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• 2008

The purpose of this study is to propose a practical intervention program for the women who got out of prostitution. For the research we selected the seven women who had ever engaged in prostitution by snowball sampling. Qualitative data were accumulated by in-depth interview and private documents collection. We analyzed the raw data following the Mandelbaum's conceptual frame ; dimension of life, turning point and adaptation. In analysis of the dimension of life, home, religion and occupation were represented as main thems. Home was interpreted as the reconstruction of existential field that assumes their fault and others. Religion was interpreted as the phenomenological field that develops their potentiality and peculiarity. Occupation was interpreted as the restraining means aganist returning to prostitution. In analysis of the turning point, we found a common theme : dis empowering the discourse power by body-politics. In analysis of the adaptation, we found three propositions as fellows: 1) "Living with stigma internalized by themselves" 2) "Living as anonymous being and absconding" 3) Expunging the past disgrace through shifting of social status. Based on the above results we proposed practical approaches for them.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.245-279
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• 2009

UCC, an abbreviation for User Created Contents, is not only a symbol of desire but also a product of creativity that a producer contains his or her subjective disposition. More and more UCC tend to have significantly increased in Web 2.0 environment. However, the research on the contents as a creative product has rarely been processed. It may be fairly said that this results in the indifference of researchers in the special field like the political contents since UCC is usually produced by amateurs. Producers' various desire is unlikely revealed, which leads to the flow of users into open media such as the Internet. It could also be available to represent the property, of plural visual language signs in a field. Moreover, UCC has the attribute of re-mediation in effective communication, so the differences between the semiotic properties in the Internet contents could be a significant material for researches. This could contribute to establish a theoretical system for the visual communication. Therefore, this study aims to analyse the signification of the political video UCC, . To develop this analysis, I apply Greimas' Generative Trajectory of Signification Theory to the text, or the UCC. He classifies it as three structures: deep structure, superficial structure, and discourse structure. As a result, the text shows meaningful contents delivering core political messages. In addition, this approach could exam that 'Obama Syndrome' in American recent presidential campaigns is caused by web 2.0 based on Internet campaigns including video UCC.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.55-85
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• 2011

Many States such as Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, California, New Mexico, Florida were obtained either from Spanish Empire or from Mexico. In 1848 due to the Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty America could obtain half of the original territory of Mexico. American identity cannot be understood without the history of American expansionism further consolidated by the Spanish-American War in 1898, which brought other ex-Spanish colonies such as Guam, Puerto Rico, the Philippines to the US. The US's interest in these territories dates back to the Monroe doctrine in 1823 when Monroe "declared the Americas off-limits to any new European colonization." America justifies their expansion based on the notion of Manifest Destiny which was created by O'Sullivan at the hight of American fever to annex Texas to US. The intent of this paper is to study how Anglo-Saxon and Latin Culture clashed against each other especially right before and after the Spanish-American War. In this study the American hero, Theodore Roosevelt and Latin American hero, $Jos{\acute{e}}$ Martí will be compared, though they did not meet each other during the Spanish-American war due to Marti's early death in 1895 at the battle for the Cuba Libre. Their comparison is significant in that the former represents the American expansionist spirit and the latter the spirit of Anti-imperialism and Anti-Anglocentrism. Along with the concept of Manifest Destiny of America, 'American exceptionalism' is also mentioned which motivates U.S. to expand further even after the Spanish-American war in the form of 'informal imperialism' characterized by 'gunboat politics'of the US. These discussions will draw attention to how recent theorists such as Bryce Traister criticizes the Border Theory represented by $Jos{\acute{e}}$ David Saldívar. Here the Border Theory is criticized to repeat the discourse of the globalized capitalism which prefers the weak state and the transnational aspects by focusing on the in-betweenness of the border. In the end the paper will focus on how the Border theory as represented by Saldivar is political enough and sets up a resistant example against American expansionism of today in its focus on the call for pan-American and pluri-versal subjectivity of the borderlands. This point will be supported by a discussion of how Saldivar's view is confirmed by Walter Mignolo who advocates the "bottom up" resistance of the indigenous people of Chiapas and other social forums such as World Social Forum and the Social Forum of the Americas derived from the Zapatistas' movement whose motto is "A World in which many world co-exist."

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.193-212
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• 2018

This paper attempts to explore how Ang Lee depicts Asian and Western women in his films. We focus on two parts of his consciousness First, Ang Lee does not consider himself a feminist, he understands the world in terms of women who play societal roles. Second, Ang Lee's films reflect his identity in a juxtaposition model, in which he is a member of mainstream American society and also holds an onlooker's viewpoint at the same time. He depicts women, who are often marginalized or considered the minority, and their feminist ideals, as means that break down the authority of the father and the man, the traditional ideology, and the male dominant nationalism. Chinese women in movies divide apart traditional Chinese patriarchal ideology and male-dominated anti-Japanese sentiments. Also, the Western women in his films reveal the non-stereotypical appearance of Western society in the 1970s and 1980s, with daily tension, anxiety, abdominal pain and anger, silence and anxiety about homosexual husbands, and excessive obsession. The director's portrayal of women not only separates the male-centered and Western-centered discourse, but also reveals a self-division of internalized masculine patriarchal Asian thought consciousness.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.231-242
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• 2019

(2014) directed by British-born second generation Iranian-American Ana Lily Amirpour, set in 'the Iranian ghost-town Bad City' attempts to make how the hybridization of multi-cultures makes interesting interpretations culture-politically, presenting a female vampire skateboarding in a striped t-shirt and a black chador. In traditional horror films, mainly male-Dracula was the center of the vampire narrative as other, but since the post-modernism era, vampire films try to shift women from the passive and dependent victim to the subjective and independent main agent. And the main character of the film, 'The Girl' who is a female Muslim vampire takes a step forward to punish men who commit gender violence. Shot in black and white, the film puts images ahead of narrative, while featuring Iranian actors, speaking Farsi. Furthermore, the film crosses over Iranian politics into American-European pop cultures with this eclectic mix of Iran's rock, British electro-pop and Ennio-Morricone-like western stylings. This study focuses on the style featured in which has successfully transformed and transplanted a vampire story into a critical contemporary discourse, mixing multiple genres and citing cultural trends while not following the traditional conventions of vampire films.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.123-152
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• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.115-145
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• 2014

In this paper, the transition of the status of Chinese novels and the change of the knowledge field in the modern times from the end of 19th century to the early 20th century, the transition period between the tradition and the modern times, have been investigated based on Liang Qichao's assertion of the Revolution of the Novel World. How the traditional novels have been evaluated, how modern novels enlightened a people and changed the political society, and what role novels acted in the change of the knowledge field are investigated. Especially I looked into the accumulations of knowledge and changes inside China which were overlooked in the previous researches which focused on the inflow of the Western culture and its impact on Chinese culture. Firstly the evaluation and classification of the traditional novels are considered. Because the transition of the status of novels and the classification method of the catalog of books are tightly coupled with the change of academic ideologies. Later I tried to understand novels as a way of thinking the modern times with a discussion on the changes of modern knowledge society and the consideration of Liang Qichao's Revolution of the Novel World in the two viewpoints, i.e. the relationship between novels and political society, and novels and the style of writing. Liang Qichao raised novels to the topmost position of literature. He pushed the traditional poetry off the top position and replaced it with popular novels. As the outside impact of Western culture made Chinese novels a tool for enlightening the ignorant people and the medium of propagating the knowledge, the status of novels was elevated to the highest level which novels had never reached in the past. With the limitation that the valuation was not based on the aesthetic appreciation of art but based on the value for politics and society, novel was a discourse of life and death to save the country and a container of knowledge to rebuild the people's mind and convert the crisis of the national ruin.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.175-209
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• 2020

This paper examines how the cinematic representation of the Japanese military "comfort women" stimulates 'imagination' in the realm of everyday life and in the memory of the masses, creating a common awareness and affect. The history of the Japanese military "comfort women" was hidden for a long time, and it was not until the 1990s that it entered the field of public recognition. Such a transition can be attributed to the external and internal chronopolitics that made possible the testimony of the victims and the discourse of the "comfort women" issue. It shows the peculiar status of the comfort women history as 'politics of time'. In the same vein, the cinematic representations of the Japanese military "comfort women" can be found in similar chronopolitics. The 'comfort women' films have shown the dual time frame of the continuity and discontinuity of the 'silence'. In Korean film history, the chronotope of the reproduction of "comfort women" can be divided into four phases: 1) the fictional representations of "comfort women" before the 1990s 2) documentaries in the late 1990s as the work of testimony and history writing, 3) melodramatic transformation in the feature films in the 2000s, and 4) the diffusion of media and categories. The purpose of this article is to focus on the first phase and the third phase in which the issue of 'comfort women' is represented in the category of popular fiction films. While the "comfort women" representations before 1990 were strictly adhering to the framework of commercial movies and pursued the sexual exploitation of "comfort women" history, the recent films since the 2000s are experimenting with various attempts in the style of popular imagination. Especially, the emergence of 'comfort women' feature films in the 2000s, such as Spirit's Homecoming, I Can Speak, and Herstory, raise various questions as to whether we are "properly" aware of issues and how to remember and present the "cultural memory" of comfort women. Also, focusing on the cinematic representation strategies of the 2000s "comfort women", this article discusses the popular politics of melodrama, the representation of victims and violence, and the feature of 'comfort women' as meta-memory. As a melodramatic imagination and meta-memory for the historical trauma, the "comfort women" drama shows the historical, political, and aesthetic gateways to which the "comfort women" problem must pass. As we have seen in recent fiction films, the issue of "comfort women" goes beyond transnational relations between Korea and Japan; it demands a postcolonial task to dismantle the old colonial structure and explores a transnational project in which women's movements and human rights movements are linked internationally.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.110 no.3
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• pp.462-477
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to understand changes in domestic forest policy and social perception of forests from a macro perspective using big data analysis of news articles and editorials. A total of 13,570 'forest' related data were collected from metropolitan and economic journals from 1946-2017 using keyword and CONCOR (Convergence of iterated Correlations) analysis. First, we found the percentage of articles and editorials using the keyword 'forest'increased overall. Second, news data on 'forest' in the field of reporting was concentrated in the "social" sector during the first period (1946-1966), followed by forest-related issues expanding to various fields from the second (1967-1972) to fifth (1988-1997) periods, then toward the "culture" sector in the sixth (1998-2007) and "politics" after the seventh (2008-2017) period. Third, we found changes in the policy paradigm over time significantly changed social awareness. In the first and second periods, people experienced livelihood issues rather than forest greening or forest protection policy and expanded their awareness of planned and scientific afforestation (third) to environmental protection (fourth) and ecological perspectives (sixth to seventh). The key outcome of our analysis was leveraging news big data that reflected polices on forests and public social perception To further derive future social issues,more in-depth analysis of public discourse and perception will be possible using textual big data and GDP of various social network services (SNS), such as combining blogs and YouTube.