• 복식문화연구
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• 제11권5호
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• pp.657-670
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• 2003

It is quite common today for bride to wear white-colored wedding-dress in wedding ceremony. When does the color date back to? What does the “white” mean? Which other colors had been used for wedding dress and why? This research paper aims to answer those historical questions through literature review. It is found here that the “white” began to be generally accepted for a wedding dress color in the 18th century, and that the color became an official one since the marriage of Queen Victoria's (i.e. 1840). Prior to that, other colors were taken rather than the “white”. In ancient Greece and Roma, “Red” and “Yellow” were used to remove devils or to bring fortune. In medieval society, luxurious wedding dresses were popular and various colors were adopted in order to show up family power among leading classes. The “White” has meant purity of bride since the 18th century. However, two world wars in the 20th century happened to lead some brides in economic difficulty wear “black” colored wedding dress for a practical reason. After the world wars, some light colors such as white, beige, ivory are to be used in wedding dress.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제21권5호
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• pp.69-82
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• 2012

This study is basically about four-guardian-statutes-building-gate in 17th Century. In the field of art-history, there are four-guardian-statutes made of clay in order that the statutes are so gigantic and grotesque enough to threaten all the devils. This purpose of this study is to make sure that the similar variation occurred at the four-guardian-statutes-building-gate in 17th century. The results of this study are as follows. First, only Da-Po style four-guardian-statutes-building-gates were built in famous four temples separately from 1612 until the Manchu war of 1636. And there are gigantic four-guardian-statutes made of clay in the building. Second, there are Chul-mok Ik-gong style buildings were built in 1660s at Bo-Rim-Sa and Neung-Ga-Sa. The buildings including four-guardian-statutes-building-gate of Song-gwang-sa built in 1636 probably are all similar to earlier Da-Po style four-guardian-statutes-building-gates in the viewpoint of structural type and size of building. Third, it began to build Ik-gong style four-guardian-statutes-building-gates in 1676 at Su-ta-sa.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• 제3권
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• pp.51-87
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• 2003

This study aims primarily to discuss the question 'What does the red fashion boom in Korean society during the 2002 World Cup mean\ulcorner' For this question, it describes fashion phenomena and characteristics that appeared during the time. Specifically, in order to understand the concrete essence of the red fashion boom in terms of clothing and textiles, this study classifies and describes the red fashion boom as 'object, process and symbol' concepts. It investigates each case within the context of fashion. Outside that context, then, the implications of the red fashion boom are examined based on cultural studies and other sociocultural perspectives. This question is considered by focusing on social pressures as ideology, looking at the voluntary behaviour of Korean people in this context and examining several other factors. This is an investigation of the relationship between fashion, society and culture pursuing fashion theory by reviewing the relevant theoretical backgrounds afforded by the humanities and the social sciences. Based upon the above theoretical discussions, it synthesises what factors contributed to the Korean red fashion boom. Finally, this study briefly states their applicability to cultural marketing in its practical aspects. This study has attempted to throw some light on the question 'What does the red fashion boom in Korean society during the 2002 World Cup mean\ulcorner' The Korean Red Fashion Boom emerged from its interrelation with each context of the World Cup, as in the dualism of 'Janus'. That is, the World Cup functioned as the positive face of a festival that collected deep emotions and passion and contributed to the integration of society. Whereas its negative face, ideologically speaking, personified the invisible capitalistic product produced by the nation, enterprises and the mass media. And the implications of the red fashion boom can be interpreted with reference to the two faced World Cup.

• 대한한방내과학회지
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.35-47
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• 1992

This study has been carried out to compare the exogenous cough(外感咳嗽) to western medicine. The results were as follows: 1. The exogenous cough(外感咳嗽) on the oriental medicine was similar to U.R.I., Infectious pneumonia, acute bronchitis on the western medicine and acute bronchitis was most similar to the exogenous cough(外感咳嗽). 2. The exogenous cough(外感咳嗽) was caused by the six devils of the environment(六淫) involving the lung and clinically divided into poonghan cough(風寒咳嗽), poongyul cough(風熱咳嗽) and poongjo cough(風燥咳嗽). 3. The symptom of the exogenous cough(外感咳嗽). a. poonghan cough(風寒咳嗽): sputum-rare and white color, laryngeal voice and tickel, stuffed-up and running nose, chilling and fever, headache and generalache, seoltae(舌苔) - thin and white color, pulse - boogin(浮緊). b. poongyul cough(風熱咳嗽): sputum-thick and yellow color, difficult expectoration sore thraot and thirsty, fever and chilling, sweating or headache, seoltae(舌苔) - thin and white color, pulse - boosak(浮數). c. poongjo cough (風燥咳嗽): dry cough with no or a little sputum and difficult expectoration, chest pain, dryness on the pharynx and lips, chilling and fever, seoltae(舌苔) - thin and dry, yellow color, pulse - sesak(細數) 4. The treatment of the exogenous cough(外感咳嗽). a. poonghan cough(風寒咳嗽) : sopoongsanhan sunpyuegihae (疎風散寒 宣肺止咳) b. poongyul cough(風熱咳嗽) : sopoongcheongyul sunpyuegihae (疎風淸熱 宣肺止咳) c. poongjo cough(風操咳嗽) : chungpyueyunjo saenggingihae (淸肺潤燥 生津止咳)

• 대한의용생체공학회:의공학회지
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• 제31권4호
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• pp.285-291
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• 2010

Recently, advance on various modalities of diagnosing, prostate volume estimation became possible not only by the existing two-dimension medical images data but also by the three-dimensional medical images data. In this study, magnetic resonance image (MRI), computer tomography (CT) and ultrasound (US) were employed to evaluate prostate phantom volume measurements for estimation, comparison and analysis. For the prostate phantoms aimed at estimating the volume, total of 17 models were developed by using devils-tongue jelly and changing each of the 5ml of capacity from 20ml to 100ml. For the volume estimation through 2D US, the calculation of the diameter with C9-5Mhz transducer was conducted by ellipsoid formula. For the volume estimation through 3D US, the Qlab software (Philips Medical) was used to calculate the volume data estimated by 3D9-3Mhz transducer. Moreover, the images by 16 channels CT and 1.5 Tesla MRI were added by the method of continuous cross-section addition and each of imaginary prostate model's volume was yielded. In the statistical analysis for comparing the availability of volume estimation, the correlation coefficient (r) was more than 0.9 for all indicating that there were highly correlated, and there were not statistically significant difference between each of the correlation coefficient (p=0.001). Therefore, the estimation of prostate phantom volume using three-dimensional modalities of diagnosing was quite closed to the actual estimation.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제35권
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• pp.185-214
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• 2014

This paper presents an investigation into the forms of master archer Huhdai Mergen from Mongolian mythology and his character through archery. In Mongolian mythology, master archer Huhdai Mergen is usually connected to the regulation of the sun, the moon, and the stars in Heaven and the creation of stars. Such a series of acts are conducted through archery, which used to be performed as an incantatory ritual to resolve a disaster in life, dispel an evil spirit, and pray for affluence as well as for hunting. In Mongolian mythology, Huhdai Mergen is a master archer and hunter that rises to Heaven while hunting a deer and becomes Sirius with the deer becoming Orion. The Mongolian have believed that the two constellations protect them since ancient times. While Orion is related to the deer totem, Huhdai Mergen or Sirius is related to the wolf totem faith. Huhdai Mergen takes too much pride in his archery skills and ends up causing damage to himself, which can be understood as a pattern of controlling the power of personified Huhdai Mergen through excessive natural force. He also has something to do with Polaris, which is regarded as the stake to bind his horse to by the Mongolian. They also believe that their ancestral gods reside in the horse stake or column. The stake is the residence of Huhdai Mergen protecting the Mongolian people, which reflects his aspect as an ancestral god. He is also depicted as the god of thunder and lightning born in a cow. The stones he throws and the arrows he shoots in Heaven are the embodiments of thunder and lightning. The Mongolian have understood lightning of dispelling an evil spirit and striking wicked things as the arrow of Huhdai Mergen. The god of thunder and lightning has the attributes of a fertility god such as eliminating bad devils and bringing affluence. Huhdai Mergen is also manifested as the creator to create the earth and the savior to save mankind. Such forms all derive from his archery skills.

• 영미문화
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.149-207
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• 2010

Written simultaneously with Prometheus Unbound, Shelley's "Julian & Maddalo" is a masterwork of dramatic poiesis, of doubling embedded in its couplets, dialogic debate on human nature and contrasted symbolic emblems. The emblems mirror each other and are themselves sites of generative paradox: the "heaven illumined" but "dreary tower" of the Maniac and the glorious sunsets on the "ever-shifting sand" of the Lido, a wasteland that is a place of self discovery but also of "abandonment" and barren mingling figured, inter alia, in its "amphibious weeds," a trope of the poem's personae. This essay also explores the poem's dramatic structure and various rhetorical devices, beginning with the Preface, a threshold of complex identity disguise that Shelley uses for veiled self-presentation, as in "Alastor," mirroring and literary references replete with nuanced ironies. I focus mainly on the complex figures of liminality Shelley uses to develop his own thoughts (as well as his ongoing debates with Byron) about man's potential for growth in thought, insight and empathy, in political reform and interpersonal and individual healing. Advancing Shelley's most optimistic ideas, Julian, escorted by Maddalo observes the Maniac, -- a living ruin whose pained eloquence reveals the link of eros to poiesis and the limits of the latter's ability to 'transform a world.' The Maniac is the core of muse-work (remembering, thinking and song) and Shelley presents him as its emblem. He also is prefigured in and reflects the quintessentially liminal Lido with its "barren embrace" of sea and land. Yet it is less the Maniac's feeling that his grief is "charactered in vain…on this unfeeling leaf" than Julian's rationales for leaving the site of pain that point to Shelley's final comment on poetry's transformative limits. As the primary haploids of the drama's meiosis re-combine and two of them, Maddalo and the maniac fall away, an analogy I briefly develop and embedded in the erotic dynamics of poiesis, Shelley suggests, as he did at the beginning of his poetic lyricism in "Alastor" and at its end in "the Triumph of Life"that images mislead and delude; that "the deep truth is imageless" and redemption is not in but beyond figuration.

• 한국의학물리학회지:의학물리
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.208-215
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• 2009

2차원의 영상을 이용한 돌출형 전립선 비대증의 부피 평가방법에서 돌출부위를 포함시킬 경우와 포함시키지 않을 경우의 부피변화를 3차원 볼륨 렌더링(volume rendering, VR)을 이용하여 비교 평가하고자 한다. 돌출형 전립선 부피측정을 위한 가상 전립선 모델은 곤약을 이용해 임의로 평균 1 cm 정도로 돌출되도록 하여 10 ml에서 각각 10 ml씩 부피를 변화시켜 100 ml까지 총 10 개의 모델을 제작하였다. 이 때 제작된 모델의 부피측정은 64 channel 전산화단층촬영(computed tomography, CT)과 3.0 Tesla 자기공명영상(magnetic resonance image, MRI)을 이용하여 획득된 3차원 볼륨 영상자료로 계측하였다. 산출한 CT와 MRI영상들의 3차원 볼륨데이터 근접성 평가를 위해 wilcoxon 부호순위(signed rank) 검정을 하였다. 또한 획득한 영상자료는 3차원 영상처리를 통하여 볼륨 렌더링으로 재구성한 후 타원체부피공식법을 이용하여 돌출부위를 포함시킬 때와 포함하지 않을 때의 부피를 구하였다. 이 때 돌출 유무에 따라 각각 측정된 부피와 3차원 볼륨 렌더링의 부피를 wilcoxon 부호순위(signed rank) 검정을 사용하여 유의성을 평가했으며 상관계수(pearson's correlation coefficient, r)를 사용하여 상관관계를 분석하였다. 계측된 가상 전립선 모델의 돌출부위길이는 CT에서 $0.90{\pm}0.18\;mm$, MRI에서 $0.75{\pm}0.11\;mm$이었으며, CT와 MRI에서 계측된 3차원 영상 부피의 p-value는 0.414로 유의한 차이는 없었다. 그러나 MRI에서 측정된 3차원 영상 부피와 2차원 영상에서 돌출부위를 포함시킬 때의 p-value는 0.005인 반면 포함하지 않을 때의 p-value는 0.139로 나타났으며, CT에서도 측정된 3차원 영상 부피와 2차원 영상에서 돌출부위를 포함시킬 때의 p-value는 0.005인 반면 포함하지 않을 때의 p-value는 0.057로 나타났다. 돌출형 전립선의 부피측정은 돌출부위를 제외하고 상하길이를 측정하는 것이 3차원 볼륨 렌더링에 의한 부피 값과 더 가까운 부피 값을 얻을 수 있었다.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제46권1호
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

우리가 '장승'이라고 부르는 조형물들은 그 기원이나 역사, 또는 기능이 서로 달라 엄밀한 구별이 필요하다. 이 글은 장승의 기원과 함께 역사적인 변화과정을 더듬어 이 구조물이 갖는 두 가지 다른 측면을 구분하고 이에 기초하여 소위 '석장승'의 다양한 기원과 기능을 살펴보는 데 목적이 있다. 고려시기에 사찰에서는 장생, 또는 관련 석물을 세웠는데, 이 중 '통도사국장생석표'는 석표(石標)라기보다는 석비(石碑)의 기능을 갖는다. 석비에 음각된 명문을 보면 이전의 판아(判兒)처럼 다시 세우라고 하였는데, 판아란 역귀(疫鬼)를 쫓는다는 종규(鍾郡)를 말한다. 명문 내용은 통도사의 영역을 장생으로 표시하였다는 것이다. 허목의 "월악기(月嶽記)"에 실려 있는 한준겸(韓浚謙)의 기사를 보면 도갑사 국장생의 규모가 매우 커서 이러한 추정을 가능케 하며 '국장생'이나 '황장생'이라고 새긴 입석은 장생이 아니라 표석, 즉 장생표(長生標)임을 알 수 있다. 조선시대에 들어와 이정(里程) 기능을 하는 후를 장생으로 부르게 되었는데 이는 사찰 장생과는 달리 나무로 만들어 사찰 장생의 생(生) 자에 나무 목(木) 변을 붙인 것으로 판단된다. 그리고 요즈음과는 달리 조선시기에는 비보 성격을 갖는 사찰 석상이나 읍성풍수물을 장승이라고 부른 경우는 찾을 수 없다. 예를 들면 제주도 '돌하르방'을 두고 장승이라고도 불렀다는 역사적 근거는 없다. "탐라기년(耽羅紀年)"에 의하면 제주목사 김몽규(金夢奎)가 성문 밖에 옹중석(翁仲石)을 세웠다고 했는데, 옹중석은 대개 고대 제왕(帝王)이나 대신(大臣)의 능묘 앞에 세운 석인상(石人像)을 지칭하는 말이다. 옹중석은 엽승[壓勝]을 위한 풍수물로도 나온다. "광주읍지(光州邑誌)"(1899년간)에는 수구(水口)를 만들고 석옹중 2기를 마주 세워 그 기를 진압하였다는 기사가 나온다. 전라북도 부안읍치의 동쪽과 서쪽에 각각 2기씩 세워진 석물에는 '상원주장군(上元周將軍)'과 '하원당장군(下元唐將軍)'이라는 명문이 있는데, 읍성풍수물인 이것 역시 석장생이나 장승, 또는 당산으로 불릴 이유는 없다. 도교적인 개념인 상원(上元)과 하원(下元)이 붙은 주장군이나 당장군은 이후 사찰 석상의 명문으로 자주 등장하고, 이후에는 이표 장승에도 붙는다. 사모를 쓴 북한산성 옹중석을 지금은 볼 수 없는 것처럼 많던 옹중석들은 어딘가에 묻혔을 것이다. 그 와중에도 제주의 옹중석과 부안 읍성의 석상은 위치 이동이 적어 옹중석의 기능을 확실하게 알 수 있다. 이 시기에 설립된 석상들은 고려시기에 조성된 장생(長生)과 기능상 가장 관련이 깊은 듯하다. 즉, 과거의 장생처럼 18세기 초중반의 석상들은 읍성, 또는 사찰의 비보물이면서 동시에 경계를 표시하는 기능을 하였을 것으로 보인다. 사찰 석상의 설립시기는 양전사업이 전국적으로 실시된 때이기도 하지만 속세에서는 산송(山訟)이 활발해지는 때라 사찰에서는 비보와 함께 영역 표시를 위해 석상들을 세웠을 것으로 보인다. 현재 장승으로 통칭되는 목인과 석상들은 각자가 서로 다른 시대에 서로 다른 이유로 세워진 것들이다. 그 출발은 고려시기 사찰의 장생(長生)으로 비보물이면서 동시에 사찰의 영역을 표시하는 석물, 또는 석상이었다.