• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.657-670
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• 2003

It is quite common today for bride to wear white-colored wedding-dress in wedding ceremony. When does the color date back to? What does the “white” mean? Which other colors had been used for wedding dress and why? This research paper aims to answer those historical questions through literature review. It is found here that the “white” began to be generally accepted for a wedding dress color in the 18th century, and that the color became an official one since the marriage of Queen Victoria's (i.e. 1840). Prior to that, other colors were taken rather than the “white”. In ancient Greece and Roma, “Red” and “Yellow” were used to remove devils or to bring fortune. In medieval society, luxurious wedding dresses were popular and various colors were adopted in order to show up family power among leading classes. The “White” has meant purity of bride since the 18th century. However, two world wars in the 20th century happened to lead some brides in economic difficulty wear “black” colored wedding dress for a practical reason. After the world wars, some light colors such as white, beige, ivory are to be used in wedding dress.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.69-82
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• 2012

This study is basically about four-guardian-statutes-building-gate in 17th Century. In the field of art-history, there are four-guardian-statutes made of clay in order that the statutes are so gigantic and grotesque enough to threaten all the devils. This purpose of this study is to make sure that the similar variation occurred at the four-guardian-statutes-building-gate in 17th century. The results of this study are as follows. First, only Da-Po style four-guardian-statutes-building-gates were built in famous four temples separately from 1612 until the Manchu war of 1636. And there are gigantic four-guardian-statutes made of clay in the building. Second, there are Chul-mok Ik-gong style buildings were built in 1660s at Bo-Rim-Sa and Neung-Ga-Sa. The buildings including four-guardian-statutes-building-gate of Song-gwang-sa built in 1636 probably are all similar to earlier Da-Po style four-guardian-statutes-building-gates in the viewpoint of structural type and size of building. Third, it began to build Ik-gong style four-guardian-statutes-building-gates in 1676 at Su-ta-sa.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.3
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• pp.51-87
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• 2003

This study aims primarily to discuss the question 'What does the red fashion boom in Korean society during the 2002 World Cup mean\ulcorner' For this question, it describes fashion phenomena and characteristics that appeared during the time. Specifically, in order to understand the concrete essence of the red fashion boom in terms of clothing and textiles, this study classifies and describes the red fashion boom as 'object, process and symbol' concepts. It investigates each case within the context of fashion. Outside that context, then, the implications of the red fashion boom are examined based on cultural studies and other sociocultural perspectives. This question is considered by focusing on social pressures as ideology, looking at the voluntary behaviour of Korean people in this context and examining several other factors. This is an investigation of the relationship between fashion, society and culture pursuing fashion theory by reviewing the relevant theoretical backgrounds afforded by the humanities and the social sciences. Based upon the above theoretical discussions, it synthesises what factors contributed to the Korean red fashion boom. Finally, this study briefly states their applicability to cultural marketing in its practical aspects. This study has attempted to throw some light on the question 'What does the red fashion boom in Korean society during the 2002 World Cup mean\ulcorner' The Korean Red Fashion Boom emerged from its interrelation with each context of the World Cup, as in the dualism of 'Janus'. That is, the World Cup functioned as the positive face of a festival that collected deep emotions and passion and contributed to the integration of society. Whereas its negative face, ideologically speaking, personified the invisible capitalistic product produced by the nation, enterprises and the mass media. And the implications of the red fashion boom can be interpreted with reference to the two faced World Cup.

• The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.35-47
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• 1992

This study has been carried out to compare the exogenous cough(外感咳嗽) to western medicine. The results were as follows: 1. The exogenous cough(外感咳嗽) on the oriental medicine was similar to U.R.I., Infectious pneumonia, acute bronchitis on the western medicine and acute bronchitis was most similar to the exogenous cough(外感咳嗽). 2. The exogenous cough(外感咳嗽) was caused by the six devils of the environment(六淫) involving the lung and clinically divided into poonghan cough(風寒咳嗽), poongyul cough(風熱咳嗽) and poongjo cough(風燥咳嗽). 3. The symptom of the exogenous cough(外感咳嗽). a. poonghan cough(風寒咳嗽): sputum-rare and white color, laryngeal voice and tickel, stuffed-up and running nose, chilling and fever, headache and generalache, seoltae(舌苔) - thin and white color, pulse - boogin(浮緊). b. poongyul cough(風熱咳嗽): sputum-thick and yellow color, difficult expectoration sore thraot and thirsty, fever and chilling, sweating or headache, seoltae(舌苔) - thin and white color, pulse - boosak(浮數). c. poongjo cough (風燥咳嗽): dry cough with no or a little sputum and difficult expectoration, chest pain, dryness on the pharynx and lips, chilling and fever, seoltae(舌苔) - thin and dry, yellow color, pulse - sesak(細數) 4. The treatment of the exogenous cough(外感咳嗽). a. poonghan cough(風寒咳嗽) : sopoongsanhan sunpyuegihae (疎風散寒 宣肺止咳) b. poongyul cough(風熱咳嗽) : sopoongcheongyul sunpyuegihae (疎風淸熱 宣肺止咳) c. poongjo cough(風操咳嗽) : chungpyueyunjo saenggingihae (淸肺潤燥 生津止咳)

• Journal of Biomedical Engineering Research
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.285-291
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• 2010

Recently, advance on various modalities of diagnosing, prostate volume estimation became possible not only by the existing two-dimension medical images data but also by the three-dimensional medical images data. In this study, magnetic resonance image (MRI), computer tomography (CT) and ultrasound (US) were employed to evaluate prostate phantom volume measurements for estimation, comparison and analysis. For the prostate phantoms aimed at estimating the volume, total of 17 models were developed by using devils-tongue jelly and changing each of the 5ml of capacity from 20ml to 100ml. For the volume estimation through 2D US, the calculation of the diameter with C9-5Mhz transducer was conducted by ellipsoid formula. For the volume estimation through 3D US, the Qlab software (Philips Medical) was used to calculate the volume data estimated by 3D9-3Mhz transducer. Moreover, the images by 16 channels CT and 1.5 Tesla MRI were added by the method of continuous cross-section addition and each of imaginary prostate model's volume was yielded. In the statistical analysis for comparing the availability of volume estimation, the correlation coefficient (r) was more than 0.9 for all indicating that there were highly correlated, and there were not statistically significant difference between each of the correlation coefficient (p=0.001). Therefore, the estimation of prostate phantom volume using three-dimensional modalities of diagnosing was quite closed to the actual estimation.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.185-214
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• 2014

This paper presents an investigation into the forms of master archer Huhdai Mergen from Mongolian mythology and his character through archery. In Mongolian mythology, master archer Huhdai Mergen is usually connected to the regulation of the sun, the moon, and the stars in Heaven and the creation of stars. Such a series of acts are conducted through archery, which used to be performed as an incantatory ritual to resolve a disaster in life, dispel an evil spirit, and pray for affluence as well as for hunting. In Mongolian mythology, Huhdai Mergen is a master archer and hunter that rises to Heaven while hunting a deer and becomes Sirius with the deer becoming Orion. The Mongolian have believed that the two constellations protect them since ancient times. While Orion is related to the deer totem, Huhdai Mergen or Sirius is related to the wolf totem faith. Huhdai Mergen takes too much pride in his archery skills and ends up causing damage to himself, which can be understood as a pattern of controlling the power of personified Huhdai Mergen through excessive natural force. He also has something to do with Polaris, which is regarded as the stake to bind his horse to by the Mongolian. They also believe that their ancestral gods reside in the horse stake or column. The stake is the residence of Huhdai Mergen protecting the Mongolian people, which reflects his aspect as an ancestral god. He is also depicted as the god of thunder and lightning born in a cow. The stones he throws and the arrows he shoots in Heaven are the embodiments of thunder and lightning. The Mongolian have understood lightning of dispelling an evil spirit and striking wicked things as the arrow of Huhdai Mergen. The god of thunder and lightning has the attributes of a fertility god such as eliminating bad devils and bringing affluence. Huhdai Mergen is also manifested as the creator to create the earth and the savior to save mankind. Such forms all derive from his archery skills.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.149-207
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• 2010

Written simultaneously with Prometheus Unbound, Shelley's "Julian & Maddalo" is a masterwork of dramatic poiesis, of doubling embedded in its couplets, dialogic debate on human nature and contrasted symbolic emblems. The emblems mirror each other and are themselves sites of generative paradox: the "heaven illumined" but "dreary tower" of the Maniac and the glorious sunsets on the "ever-shifting sand" of the Lido, a wasteland that is a place of self discovery but also of "abandonment" and barren mingling figured, inter alia, in its "amphibious weeds," a trope of the poem's personae. This essay also explores the poem's dramatic structure and various rhetorical devices, beginning with the Preface, a threshold of complex identity disguise that Shelley uses for veiled self-presentation, as in "Alastor," mirroring and literary references replete with nuanced ironies. I focus mainly on the complex figures of liminality Shelley uses to develop his own thoughts (as well as his ongoing debates with Byron) about man's potential for growth in thought, insight and empathy, in political reform and interpersonal and individual healing. Advancing Shelley's most optimistic ideas, Julian, escorted by Maddalo observes the Maniac, -- a living ruin whose pained eloquence reveals the link of eros to poiesis and the limits of the latter's ability to 'transform a world.' The Maniac is the core of muse-work (remembering, thinking and song) and Shelley presents him as its emblem. He also is prefigured in and reflects the quintessentially liminal Lido with its "barren embrace" of sea and land. Yet it is less the Maniac's feeling that his grief is "charactered in vain…on this unfeeling leaf" than Julian's rationales for leaving the site of pain that point to Shelley's final comment on poetry's transformative limits. As the primary haploids of the drama's meiosis re-combine and two of them, Maddalo and the maniac fall away, an analogy I briefly develop and embedded in the erotic dynamics of poiesis, Shelley suggests, as he did at the beginning of his poetic lyricism in "Alastor" and at its end in "the Triumph of Life"that images mislead and delude; that "the deep truth is imageless" and redemption is not in but beyond figuration.

• Progress in Medical Physics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.208-215
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• 2009

This study is to compare the accuracy of evaluation regarding the volume of the prostate, which three-dimensional volume rendering was produced the shape of protrusion, by measuring two kinds of craniocaudal length from the top of the protrusion and from the exclusion of the protrusion as the starting points. For the imaginary protrusion prostate models, total of 10 models were roughly made by using devils-tongue jelly and changing each of the 10 ml of capacity from 10 ml to 100 ml. For the protrusion prostate models aimed at estimating the real volume, through 64 cannel computed tomography (CT) and 3.0 tesla magnetic resonance image (MRI) were conducted by planimetry technique from three-dimensional volume rendering. And then we performed to evaluate on significance of these volumes by wilcoxon signed rank test. Also the obtained volumes data by ellipsoid volume formula were measured the volume of protrusion prostate models two times with each method using the two kinds of craniocaudal length from top of the protrusion and from exclusion of the protrusion as the starting points. Finally, the significance of differences using wilcoxon signed rank test was evaluated between the real volume by planimetry technique and the measured volume by ellipsoid volume formula from three-dimensional volume rendering. The average of the protrusion length on the models was $0.90{\pm}0.18\;mm$ in CT and was $0.75{\pm}0.11\;mm$ in MRI. There were not statistically significant difference between MRI and CT from the volume of protrusion prostate models (p=0.414). In MRI (p=0.139) and CT (p=0.057), there were not statistically significant difference between the real volume by planimetry technique and the measured volume by ellipsoid volume from exclusion of the protrusion as the starting points. While, there were statistically significant difference between the real volume by planimetry technique and the measured volume by ellipsoid volume from top of the protrusion as the starting points in MRI (p=0.005) and CT (p=0.005). For the accurate measurement of the protrusion prostate models, the craniocaudal length of the prostate should be measured from the exclusion of the protrusion as the starting points.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.