• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.19-36
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• 2014

This paper attempts to explore the multifaceted Islamic culture and ideology was shaped in different historical periods in Indonesia, particularly focusing on the revival of Islamic extremism and liberalism as well as the surging conflict among Islamic communities in the post-Suharto era. The paper asserts that in the post-Suharto era, progressive Muslim/Islamic liberalist is upholding pluralism, and pancasila is emerging as a positive force for Indonesia's peaceful transition to democracy, solidly defending national unity.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.17-30
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• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.95-104
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• 2013

The goal of this study is to confirm the extent of realization of economic democracy between the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates and the KOSDAQ listed ICT companies with focus on growth and profitability. As the results of analysis, the following were verified. First, there were differences in all aspects of the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates and the KOSDAQ listed small and medium ICT companies, including growth and profitability. Second, the pattern of economic democracy between two groups displayed relatively unrealized economic democracy structure. Third, It was found that KOSDAQ listed small and medium ICT companies were relatively much more difficult situations than the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.172-179
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• 2016

Korea society in the 1980s is the timing of the hybrid intermingled with the continuous industrialization in the 1970s and the democratic aspirations of the 1990s. Korean films in the '80s codified a tension and conflict patterns of the industrialization and democratization in the style such as film space. The purpose of this study is to consider how this aspect of industrialization and democratization in the '80s was codified in Korean films of the '80s. Specifically, it focuses on the style representing the urban space in Korean films of the '80s. This study looks at the changing pattern of the Korea Society through the 1980s by analyzing the space configuration form of Good Windy Day(1980) and Chil-su And Man-su(1988). Good Windy Day to finalize the '70s and Chil-su And Man-su to greet the '90s show the hybrid aspect of the '80s. In particular, the urban space style of the two films codified the political, economic and social culture of Korea as a whole.

• Survey Research
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.45-69
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• 2010

The perception of aging experience and successful aging depends on birth cohort as Korean society has rapidly changed for the last several decades. This article aims to empirically explain inter-generational difference in the perceptions of successful aging with an emphasis on the social relationships using a national survey data set by face-to-face interviews with a structured questionnaire. The respondents are classified into colony war, restoration, democratization, and information generation. Major findings are as follows: The perceptive differences are found between colony war and restoration generation, and democratization and information generation. The difference are clear in the aspects of expectation for children and parents-children relationship. The inter-generational difference remains even after controlling other relevant factors. Policies and programs, therefore, should 1) attempt to help inter-generational understanding, and 2) consider the yet-existing uniqueness of each generation.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.47-52
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• 2017

The wave of democratization that started in southern Europe spread to South America and Asia, dismantling the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries and appeared as a Jasmine revolution in countries of North Africa and the Middle East. As a result, many scholars have actively carried out researches related to the sudden change of North Korea, while taking a cautious view that the Jasmine Revolution might occur in North Korea. The focuses of the studies were on the cause and timing of the sudden change and the main forces of the revolution in North Korea. There weren't enough discussions on how the process will be developed and whether there will be a system change. In this study, based on the results of analyzing the systematic changes of the Jasmine revolution nations, it suggested five scenarios that can be developed after the sudden change of North Korea. Scenario type I: Relatively peaceful and the possibility of regime change, Scenario type II: Reunification and then civil war, Scenario type III: Regime changed but one of Kim Il Sung family grabbing the power, Scenario type IV: Successful regime change but civil war happening, Scenario type V: Regime change failed and civil war continuing.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.145-159
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• 2017

Despite the longing for democracy of most people, Myanmar has missed opportunities for social and economic development by military dictatorship. However, since 2010, the civilian government has gained new opportunities for reform. After turning to economic reform, developed countries such as the US and EU lifted the economic sanctions that they had taken in the past. As a result, it is growing rapidly compared to neighboring countries due to attracting foreign capital, tariff benefits on export items, and expansion of industrial infrastructure. Despite the increased investment value due to economic growth and democratization, the complex and customary land system of Myanmar must be an uneasy factor in securing stable land rights when entering overseas markets. Therefore, this study sought the method of securing the land rights in the development project through the analysis of the foreign investment system in Myanmar and the investigation of joint development cases. The results of this study are as follows. First, the acquisition of land use rights at the early stage of development can be considered through the foreign investment system. Under the Foreign Investment Law and Myanmar Investment Law, the land can be used for up to 70 years, and Under the Special Economic Zone Law, the land can be used for up to 75 years. Second, in relation to land compensation, it is required to establish a detailed resettlement plan for the indigenous people as the difficulty of land acquisition is expected due to the recent democratization trend and strengthening the voice of residents. Third, land use at the operational stage can be achieved by leasing the land from developers, and this will be the most realistic plan at present. In other words, the developer can directly develop the land created under the Foreign Investment Law and the Special Economic Zone Law, or Sub-lease and transfer the land use right to a third party.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.20
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• pp.113-148
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• 2010

This paper examines the American role in shaping South Korean nation-building during the early Cold War by considering how the United States attempted to form South Korea's education and how Koreans responded to these efforts. It looks at education as an arena where "American" ideas such as democracy and liberalism were received, transformed, and utilized by Koreans. This study pays particular attention to the gap between American intentions and Korean expectations, as well as to the competition between American and Japanese systems, which explains the contradictory role America played in South Korean nation-building. In order to better assess the role of the United States in shaping South Korean education, this article considers the complex dynamics between the Japanese legacies, American influence, and Korean actors. Americans had exerted a great effect on Korean education since the beginning of their relationship. American missionaries, U.S. military government, and educational mission teams had all contributed to the expansion of educational opportunities for Koreans. Through the educational institutions that they established or helped establish, Americans tried to spread "their" ideas. In this process, Americans had to struggle with two obstacles: Korean nationalism and the legacies of Japanese colonialism. Many Koreans used American missionary schools for their own purposes and resisted U.S. military government's policies which ignored their desire for self-determination. American education missions had limited effect on Korean education due to the heterogeneous Japanese system that was still influencing South Korea even after liberation. The ways in which Americans have influenced the democratization of South Korea have not been simple. Although "American" democratic ideas reached Koreans through various routes, Koreans understood the "American" idea within their own historical context and in a way that fit their existing socio-political relations. Oftentimes suspicious of "American" democracy, Koreans developed their own concept of democracy. The overall American influence on Korean democratization, as well as on Korean education, was important but limited. While Americans helped Koreans build educational infrastructure and tried to transfer democratic ideas through it, Koreans actors and Japanese colonial legacies limited its impact.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.35-43
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• 2022

The 2020 Gwangju Media Art Festival (2020 GMAF) was held in the area of the National Asian Cultural Center. Under the slogan "The entire Gwangju shines under the theme of "Aesthetics of Light and Coexistence," the media festival demonstrated projection mapping to Jeonnam (former) Provincial Office at the DATA+ Research Institute of Chung-Ang University's Graduate School of Advanced Video. This paper focuses on explaining the overall production process and content development of projection mapping demonstrated in the Jeollanam-do Provincial Government, which is a symbol of Korean democratization and is located in the center of Gwangju, Jeolla-do. It was intended to faithfully express the history of the 2020 GMAF and Jeonnam (former) provincial government, Gwangju's history, and democratization records. It was intended to show images, background sounds, sound effects, and visual effects using various special effects and high-power laser devices using unique characteristics of projection mapping. To this end, about 5 minutes and 30 seconds of content were planned, and it was divided into parts and topics, and one individual story was developed for each chapter.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.69-106
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• 2021

This paper aims to explain why severe political conflicts and confrontation between the ruling and opposition forces have been continuously caused, focusing on the institutional combination of presidentialism and the two-party system with strong party disciplines, after democratization in South Korea. And this also presents the US as a case in which presidentialism and a two-party system with weak party disciplines were combined once, and the Chile as another case in which presidentialism and a multi-party system with strong party disciplines is combined, respectively, and further analyzes how the chance of consensual politics could be raised in both the countries. In addition, this study suggests a practical implication that, in South Korea also, the political reforms for changes in party system such as the decentralization or democratization in party organizations to enhance the autonomy of individual legislators, or the introduction of runoff system in presidential elections or proportional representation system in parliamentary elections to product a multi-party system, are required for a high chance of consensual politics.