• 대한안전경영과학회지
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.81-98
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• 2003

In modern society, there are diverse sorts of VIPs including a king and individuals. Some like a king or president are in need of professional secret services, and others become VIPs by being guarded by a bodyguard company at their own request. The former is called a public guard, and the latter is a private one. In the field of the public guard, the nation should be furnished with a guard system in consideration of political circumstances to protect VIPs. That is, the parliamentary cabinet system and presidential system call for a different guard system, and the guard system's professional features vary to some degree with political situations and cultural climate. If the ultimate goal of guard is to protect the chief of the democratic and open state in a most efficient and safe manner, it's mandatorily necessary to set up a professional and specialized guard organization to provide democratic and efficient secret services. It's desired that the domestic presidential guard division should be staffed with not only expert guards but other personnels dispatched from the military and police. In the police, guard mission is splitted among various guard and security agencies, including the National Police Agency's public security bureau or the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency's public security division, 101 security unit, mobile police and 22 special guard division. As a chain of command is separated and it's difficult to manage such organizations effectively, the National Police Agency should be exclusively in charge of VIP guard and security. In the area of private guard, the private police system has shared national security task as a middle organization between the private police and private guard. But now its intent has gradually weakened, and its mission should be redefined. In addition, the way people look at private guard should change, and they should be well informed that it could serve to prevent possible crimes, protect them against crimes and get rid of their inconveniences. To make a good impression on people, the guard associations and businesses should put their efforts into reinforcing publicity activities, and the government, academic circles and press should team up with them as well.

• 한국환경보건학회지
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• 제48권1호
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• pp.9-18
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• 2022

In today's civilization, it can be impossible to prevent disasters that cause large-scale human and material harm, and the environmental industry is not excepted from this. Over the last 50 years, several large and small environmental health catastrophes have occurred in Korea. Notable instances include the phenol pollution accident in the Nakdong River, the Hebei Spirit oil spill in Taean, Chungcheongnam-do, and the humidifier disinfectant disaster. Looking at these instances, it is clear that the government failed to prevent similar incidents and accidents after the tragedies. The government created and executed different policies to prevent such incidents and accidents, but the majority of them were highly fragmented. It is understandable that depending on the political and social level of the society in which the environmental health hazard incident/accident happened, the investigation of the cause, countermeasures, and policy reaction may differ. To put it another way, the more authoritarian and non-democratic a political social system is, the more likely it is to cover up occurrences and accidents without a deep examination. This is in line with the members of society's level of political awareness and acknowledgment of the importance of life and safety. In 1985, when the Onsan pollution disease was discovered, and in 2011, when we recognized the realities of the humidifier disinfectant disaster, South Korea's political and social systems were entirely different.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

민주화와 더불어 선거정치에 토대를 둔 대의제가 본격적으로 가동된 지 20여 년이 지났다. 그동안 선거를 통한 정권교체도 이루었고, 민주화 세력이 적어도 두 번 이상 집권에 성공했다. 또 민주화 세력에 대한 실망으로 또 다시 정권교체가 일어나기도 했다. 선거를 통한 정권교체라는 대의정치의 기본 동력이 발휘된 것처럼 보인다. 그러나 대의권력이 민주적 안정의 구심점이 되지 못하고 있다. 더구나 우리의 불안정한 민주체제는 정권변동과 대의제 환경의 변화라는 이중적인 전환 속에서 과도기의 혼돈을 겪고 있다. 민주주의 후퇴 논란도 제기되고 있다. 이 연구는 지체된 개혁과제와 변화된 대의제의 환경에 주목해 한국 민주주의의 현실을 진단한다. 전환기적 상황으로는 민주화 동력의 소진에서 정권 재교체에 이르는 정치변동, 그리고 인터넷 시대와 정치동원 구조의 변화, 직접행동과 대의민주주의 등을 주요 논제로 다룬다. 그리고 분열의 정치와 '반쪽 정당성', 대권정치에 종속된 의회 정치라는 한국정치의 구조적 한계를 극복하는 개혁과제로 현행 대통령제의 개편을 주장한다.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제24_1권
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• pp.255-289
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• 2014

This study's aim is to identify modern and post-modern values and transnationalism embodied in Daesoon Thought and to seek for the new value to overcome irrationality of modern values in this society we live in. Several previous studies discussed about these issues, but most of them studied them on the basis of Korean new religions or Jeungsangyo, or in sociological theory perspective. Therefore, this study focused on Daesoon Thought encompassing ideological perspective as well as historical perspective of Daesoonjinrihoe. As for nationalism, while Eastern learning(Dong-Hak) is prone to ethnocentricity, Daesoon Thought shows trans-ethnic perspective. As for historical perspectivel, Mugeuikdo, a precursor to Daesoonjinrihoe showed non-relationship with any politics as contrasted with other new korean religious movement at that time. As for aspects of modern values, 3 perspectives (political system, social system, abolition of premodern values) were discussed. As for political system perspective, while Eastern learning advocates democratic modernity but accepted monarchy, Jeungsan denied monarchy. And While western political philosophy advocated rationality-based absolute person, Daesoon Thought proposes ideal human who can have political power and do religious indoctrination all together. As for social system perspective, while western humanism is based on all of he people's equity in front of God, Eastern learning on humans are Heaven (人乃天), Daesoon Thought is based on Injon thought(人尊思想) which encompasses spiritual world, human world and all of the universe. Daesoon Thought also proposes abolition of discrimination by gender, social position. As for abolition of premodern values, Daesoon Thought critics pre-modern formalism and advocate acceptance of other nations' culture, pragmatism, and humanism. As presented above, Daesoon Thought has not only modern values but also aspects of post-modernity and transnationalism. In the future, further studies are needed which tackle these issues and search for new values of Daesoon Thought which can overcome limitation of modern values.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제13권10호
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• pp.278-289
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• 2013

민주국가에서 정당이 선거 후보자를 내는 것은 매우 당연한 원칙이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 기초지방선거에서 정당공천 폐지 문제는 쉽게 해결될 수 있는 문제가 아니다. 그래서 기초지방선거의 정당공천에 관한 최근의 논쟁과 해외사례를 정리하고 합리적인 대안을 모색해보았다. 정당공천과 관련된 논쟁은 기존 정치권은 반대의 입장에도 불구하고 정당공천 폐해를 극복하기 위하여 폐지 또는 새로운 대안의 모색이 필요하다는 논의가 많다. 실증적 조사에서도 정당공천제의 폐지에 많은 집단들이 동의하고 있다. 그렇지만 정당 공천의 폐지에 따라 나타날 수 있는 부정적 파급효과가 여성할당문제이다. 그래서 정당공천의 폐지에 따라 나타날 수 있는 부정적 파급효과를 고려하면서 몇 가지 대안을 제시하였다. 그 대안은 참여주체 확대, 정당표방제 도입, 지방정당제 도입, 상향적 공천절차 활용 등이다. 이러한 방안 중 참여주체 확대방안이 논리적으로 최적대안으로 제시하였으나 대안의 확정은 사회적 합의절차를 거쳐서 확정되어야 할 것이다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제77권
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

이 연구는 채널A와 TV조선의 정치시사토크쇼가 특정 정당과 정치인, 그리고 특정 집단만을 대상으로 분노나 혐오와 같은 격렬한 부정적 감정을 불러일으키는 방식에 주목하고 이것을 한국 민주주의의 위기가 갖는 특성과의 관계 속에서 설명하고자 한다. 야당, 야권 정치인, 종북 세력에 대한 분노와 혐오가 주요 내용을 이루는 채널A와 TV조선의 정치시사토크쇼는 민주적 공론장으로 기능하기보다 가상적 정치참여를 통해 정치 과정에서 시민들을 실질적으로 배제시키는 데 기여함으로써 '배제의 정치'로서 한국의 민주주의 체제가 유지되는 데 매우 기능적이며, 이런 이유로 상업적 성공 여부와 관계없이 존속하고 있다고 보았다. 요컨대 한국의 민주주의에는 모든 시민을 체계적으로 배제시킨 채 이념 갈등을 증폭시키고, 그 과잉 감정의 혼란 속에서 모든 중요한 문제는 정치공학적으로 결정되는 심각한 문제가 있는데, 이런 정치 체제를 유지 존속시켜야 할 정치권력의 필요성이 채널A와 TV조선의 선정적이며 정파적으로 편향적인 정치시사토크쇼가 존속할 수 있는 조건이며, 채널A와 TV조선은 그런 정치 체제의 존속에 매우 기능적이기 때문에 정치적 영향력을 유지하며 존속할 수 있는 것이다.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제33권
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• pp.331-358
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• 2013

This paper looks into several aspects of linguistic behaviors attested in Korean and American English corpora. A special attention is paid to the areas of politeness phenomena, terms of address, power and solidarity, practice of flattery, and closely-related non-linguistic behaviors such as tipping and gift-giving conventions. An analysis of the data reveals that Korean society remains very much superior-oriented, non-egalitarian, non-democratic despite the pride and sense of accomplishment among the populace that the nation has achieved a satisfactory level of democracy. In particular, the following facts in Korean and the Korean society are exposed by an examination of the data: ${\bullet}$ There is a notional gap of positive politeness ${\bullet}$ Superiors enjoy an unfair advantage in the power and solidarity system ${\bullet}$ The terms of address system is set up to make a clear distinction between levels and the terms of address, in turn, dictate norms of expected behavior ${\bullet}$ The notion and practice of flattery heavily favors superiors ${\bullet}$ Non-linguistic acts of gift-giving and tipping are consistent with the examined social interactions As a result, all the benefits, emotional as well as material, are garnered by superiors. These facts may reflect the real Korea that people are used to being comfortable with, a pre-modern, feudalistic society, something akin to its kin in the north. We may proclaim that we aspire to a more democratic society. However, it appears Koreans, deep inside, may have been seeking a powerful dictator all along. These findings help provide a partial but insightful clue to the political puzzle: why Koreans grew uncomfortable with an egalitarian and democratic president and could not save him, but instead replaced him with a succession of a corrupted businessman and the authoritarian daughter of a former dictator. The flight to democracy has stalled in midair, not quite making the grade yet. There is plenty of linguistic evidence in Korean.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.655-664
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• 2021

The purpose of this research paper is to overcome the impact the COVID-19 in Indonesia, the Government of the Republic of Indonesia has set Perpu No.1 of 2020 concerning State Financial Policies and Financial System Stability for Handling COVID-19 Pandemic. This paper uses a descriptive analysis method with a normative juridical approach, namely by explaining the politics of law in the stipulation of Perpu No. 1 of 2020 into Law, then analyzing its effect on the character of legal products contained in the Act. The data sources used in this paper are the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Perpu Number 1 of 2020 which has been ratified into Law Number 2 of 2020, Legislation in the field of state finance, literature books, and several articles from print and electronic media. This paper concludes that the legal politics of establishing Perpu No.1 of 2020 into Act was born from a democratic political system and configuration, but the character of its legal products was conservative. The aim of the paper is to focus on the discussions related to the new regulations that have been made by the Indonesian government and analyse the impact resulting from the enactment of these regulations.

• 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국디지털정책학회 2004년도 International Conference on Digital Policy & Management
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• pp.311-331
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• 2004

This paper addresses the democracy-oriented regulatory and legal requirements that e-democracy impacts. It demonstrates that the structure of the political system also plays a significant role in the decision to develop an e-voting application. The short term perspective of the questions put before the electorate obliterate the long term perspective in which many policy problems have to be seen. A well-designed e-voting system should produce an audit trail that is even stronger than that of conventional systems (including paper-based systems). Remote Internet voting systems pose significant risk to the integrity of the voting process, and should not be fielded for use in public elections until substantial technical and social science issues are addressed. Conclusively the paper focuses on the specific attributes an electronic voting (polling place) system should respect and ensure such as transparency, verifiability, accountability, security and accuracy in relation to the constitutional requirements such as General, Free. Equal, Secret, Direct and Democratic.

• 과학기술학연구
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.1-17
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• 2003

과학기술과 문화의 관계는 어떻게 이해해야 하는가? 과학기술은 문화의 일부로서 이해되는가 하면, 흔히 과학기술과 문화는 서로 배타적인 관계에 있는 것으로 주장되기도 한다. 이 논문에서는 먼저 과학기술을 문화의 한 형태로서 검토하였다. 분명히 과학은 인식적 가치를 창조하는 가치문화의 일부이며, 기술은 비록 도구적 문화로서 파악되는 경우에도 문화체계의 일부로 이해해야 한다. 그러므로 과학기술은 어느 정도의 '상대적 자율성'을 지닌 문화체계의 일부인 것이다. 다음으로 이 논문은 정치체계, 경제체계, 문화체계와 과학기술체계 간의 긴장관계에 대해 검토하였다. 특히 현대사회에서 정치와 경제체계에 의해 문화체계가 식민화되는 과정에서 과학기술체계의 도구적 합리성의 왜곡에 의해서 야기된 기술지배의 부정적 결과들에 대해 검토하고, 이를 극복하기 위해서는 도구적 합리성이 사회적 합리성과 의사소통합리성 등에 의해 균형을 이루어야 함을 지적하였다. 끝으로 이 논문에서는 정치, 경제, 문화 및 시민사회 각각의 '과학문화'의 특성과 그와 같은 과학적 부분문화(scientific subcultures)들 간의 역동적인 관계와 사회과정을 통해 '인간화되고 민주적인 과학문화'가 형성될 수 있는 가능성에 대해 논의하였다.