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The Joseon Confucian Ruling Class's Records and Visual Media of Suryukjae (Water and Land Ceremony) during the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (조선 15~17세기 수륙재(水陸齋)에 대한 유신(儒臣)의 기록과 시각 매체)

  • Jeong, Myounghee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.1
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    • pp.184-203
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    • 2020
  • The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

A Study on Imposing Contribution in the Compensation for Uncontrollable Medical Malpractice during Delivery (분만관련 불가항력적 의료사고 보상제도에 있어 분담금부과에 관한 연구 -헌법재판소 2018. 4. 26. 선고 2015헌가13 사건을 중심으로-)

  • Beom, Kyung Chul
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.139-171
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    • 2018
  • The 「Act on Remedies for Injuries from Medical Malpractice and Mediation of Medical Disputes」(hereinafter referred to as 'the Act on Mediation of Medical Disputes') provides that the state should compensate the victims of medical accidents occurred irresistibly in childbirth despite that health and medical service personnel fulfilled their duty of care for their damage within the range of its budget(Article 46 of the Act on Mediation of Medical Disputes). Given that victims of medical accidents could expect demage recovery only through lawsuits thus far, this act can be said to be a groundbreaking act. However, However, as 30% of the costs for such medical accident compensation projects are borne by those who have records of childbirth among the founders of health and medical institutions (Article 21 of the Act on Mediation of Medical Disputes), there has been a question about whether doctors are held responsible despite that the accidents such as the deaths of mothers and newborn babies occurred irresistibly without doctors' fault. However, recently, the Constitutional Court ruled that 'the range of founders of health and medical institutions' and 'share ratios of finances for compensation' in Article 46 (3) of the Act on Mediation of Medical Disputes' related to the imposition of the share of costs are institutional (Constitutional Court ruling dated April 26, 2018, 2015Heonga13, hereinafter referred to as 'the ruling in the case'). Although the ruling in the case was made based on only the principle of statutory reservation and the principle of ban on comprehensive authorization, this paper added a practical judgment. This paper proved that the share of costs in this case has the nature of burden charges in pursuit of study and does not infringe on the property rights of the founders of health medical institutions even in light of the principle of proportionality because there is a legitimate reason for imposing the burden charge. The imposition of the share of costs in the system for compensation for medical accidents occurred irresistibly is against the principle of liability with fault in part. However, the medical accident compensation projects are rational a national policy for the victims of medical accidents and the medical world clearly gains some benefits from the effect to terminate medical disputes. The expansion of finances for compensation through the payments of the share of costs will reduce the suffering and misunderstanding of victims of medical accidents occurred in the process of childbirth and will be very helpful to the construction of stable treatment environments of medical workers by quickly establishing the medical accident compensation projects as such.

The Structural Analysis and Criticism of Geommu (Korean Sword Dance) - Focusing in Literary Works and Music - (검무 구조 분석 시론 - 문헌과 음악을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Young-Hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.9-42
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    • 2017
  • Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

A Study on the Theories of Jwajowusa(左祖右社) and Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢) of an Ancient Jongmyo Shrine System (고대 종묘제도의 좌조우사(左祖右社)와 전묘후침(前廟後寢) 설에 대한 일고찰)

  • Seo, Jeong-hwa
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.231-262
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    • 2016
  • The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

LIFE AND ASTRONOMICAL ACTIVITY OF LEE DEOK-SEONG AS AN ASTRONOMER IN THE LATE OF JOSEON DYNASTY (조선후기 천문학자 이덕성의 생애와 천문활동)

  • AHN, YOUNG SOOK;MIHN, BYEONG-HEE;SEO, YOON KYEONG;LEE, KI-WON
    • Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.367-380
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    • 2017
  • The life and astronomical activity of Lee Deok-Seong (李德星, 1720-1794) was studied using various historical sources, including the astronomical almanac, Seungjeongwon-Ilgi (Daily records of Royal Secretariat of Joseon dynasty), and the Gwansang-Gam's logbooks during Joseon dynasty (A.D. 1392-1910). We present the results of the study including the following main findings. First, from the investigation of Lee's family tree, we find that a number of his relatives were also astronomers, notably Samryeok-Gwan (三曆官, the post of calendrical calculation). Second, we find that he took part in the compilation of an annual astronomical almanac over a period of at least 16 years. His major achievements in the astronomy of the Joseon dynasty were to establish a new method of calendar-making calculation and to bring astronomical materials to the Joseon court through a visit to China. The Joseon dynasty enforced the Shixianli (時憲曆, a Chinese calendar made by Adam Shall) in 1654 without fully understanding the calendar. So an astronomer and an envoy were dispatched to China in order to master the intricacies of the calendar and to learn as much of Western science as was available in that time and place. Lee Deok-Seong worked at the Gwansang-Gam (觀象監, Royal Astronomical Bureau) during the reigns of King Yeongjo (英祖) and Jeongjo (正祖). As best as we can ascertain in relation with the calculations in the Shixian calendar, Lee visited China four times. During his trips and interactions, he learned a new method for calendar-making calculations, and introduced many Western-Chinese astronomical books to Joseon academia. Lee greatly improved the accuracy of calendrical calculations, even while simplifying the calculation process. With these achievements, he finally was promoted to the title of Sungrok-Daebu (崇祿大夫), the third highest grade of royal official. In conclusion, history demonstrates that Lee Deok-Seong was one of the most outstanding astronomers in the late-Joseon dynasty.

A Study on the Use of Buyonghyang During the Joseon Royal Wedding Ceremony - Focused on Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe - (조선 왕실 가례의 부용향(芙蓉香) 연구 - 『순조순원왕후가례도감의궤』를 중심으로 -)

  • Ha, Sumin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.222-239
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    • 2019
  • This paper studied Joseon royal incense, Buyonghyang, focusing on the case of Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe. Incense was introduced to Korea in the period of the Three States with Buddhist cultures. Buyonghyang is an incense that represented the royal family and was used in various rituals. Civilians also burned this incense in front of a bride's palanquin at a wedding ceremony. Buyonghyang had various uses-ceremonial uses, as a fragrance, to mothproof, and medical uses. Buyonghyang is a combined incense with ten different ingredients. This study tracked the supply and demand of the incense ingredients through Takjijunjeol, Sejong Shilok Jiriji, and The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty. This paper identified properties of the ingredients and studied recipes using ancient medical books-Jejungshinpyeon, Donguibogam, etc. Then the cooperation and treatment of incense by craftsman were examined using the records of The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, and Seungjeongwon Ilgi. The significance of Buyonghyang during the Joseon dynasty was studied by examining its use at a royal wedding ceremony. This study considered Sunjo's wedding ceremony based on Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe which is highly regarded as a well-organized system compared to other Uigwe. Buronghyang was burned during all of the ceremonies which took place in the palace. Conversely, it is considered that Buyonghyang was burned only during the Bisuchekui ceremony (investiture), which took place in the bride's place, according to the record of the mobilization of court ladies for various incense burners for the Bisuchekui ceremony. Since the incense was able to be used only after Bisuchekui, it is considered that only the royal family could use the incense, and it was a symbolic incense of the Joseon Royal Family.

A Study on the Special Technician Byeolganyeok(別看役) and the Statues of Auspicious Animals(Seosusang, 瑞獸像) : the Scale-covered animal form(鱗獸形) in Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) (경복궁 인수형(鱗獸形) 서수상(瑞獸像)의 제작시기와 별간역(別看役) 연구)

  • Kim, Min-Kyu
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.66-81
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    • 2014
  • Burnt down during the Imjin War(壬辰倭亂) of 1592, Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) remained in ruins until 1865, when in the second year of King Gojong's(高宗) reign, reconstruction work began. At the time, a royal protocol(uigwe, 儀軌) for the reconstruction was not produced. Instead, the Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary(Gyeongbokgung yeonggeon ilgi, 景福宮營建日記) records the reconstruction process from June to September of 1865. The contents of this diary reveal that the stone used in the construction was obtained from Ganghwa(江華), the Yeongpung field(映楓亭) just beyond Dongdaemun, and Samcheongdong(三淸洞), among other sites. In addition, selected stone remaining from the original Gyeongbokgung Palace site - such as that from the palace astronomical observatory(ganuidae, 簡儀臺) - as reused, while a number of buildings and stonework from Gyeonghuigung Palace(慶熙宮) were moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace. As a result, a number of $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century stonework are currently located at Gyeongbokgung Palace. The Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary contains a record indicating that the bronze dragon(靑銅龍) excavated from the lotus pond at the palace's Gyeonghoeru Pavilion(慶會樓) was created by special technician byeolganyeok(別看役) Kim Jae-su(金在洙) in 1865 for the symbolic purpose of protecting the palace from fire. The diary also reveals that among Kim Jae-su and the other special technicians(byeolganyeok) tasked with the installation and oversight of the palace stonework was Lee Se-ok(李世玉) - aid to have created the haechi statue at Gwanghwamun Gate. This indicates that there were men of court painter(hwawon, 畵員) background among the construction special technicians(byeolganyeok). Moreover, the diary records the names of the stoneworkers(seokjang, 石匠) who worked under these special technicians to actually carve the stonework. These included Jang Seong-bok(張聖福), who participated in the creation of the Geunjeongjeon Hall(勤政殿); and Kim Jin-myeong(金振明), who took part in the construction of Gwanghwamun Gate(光化門). Based on these results, it is possible to identify a number of special iconographic features of the scale-covered animal form(insuhyeong, 鱗獸形) auspicious animal statues at Gyeongbokgung Palace. These include a protruding mouth and large nose, formalized ears, and a mane along the back. Comparing these iconographic features with those found in the stonework of Joseon tombs makes it clear that these palace statues were created in the latter half of the $19^{th}$ century - the period corresponding to Gojong's palace reconstruction. This study was able to confirm that this iconography was taken up by the Gyeongbokgung Palace construction special technicians(byeolganyeok) and stoneworkers(seokjang) as they worked on tomb stonework earlier in their careers.

A Study on the Methods of Mounting the Five Peaks Screen - With the focus on green bordering silk and gilt ornamentation (궁중 의례용 일월오봉도 병풍의 장황에 관한 고찰 - 초록색 회장 비단과 금박 장식을 중심으로 -)

  • PARK, Yoonhee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.1
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    • pp.243-263
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    • 2022
  • The royal court of Joseon had a tradition of mounting the Irworobongdo, a painting of the sun, the moon and the five sacred peaks, symbols of the king's immortal presence and authority, on a folding screen and placing it in special spaces within the palace that were reserved for the king. While the Irworobongdo is generally accepted as the important ceremonial object of the royal palaces of Joseon, there have been few studies on the various folding screens used in the royal palaces, largely because the official records about such screens do not match the remaining original relics. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the diversity of the shapes and mounting materials of the Irworobongdoused for various ceremonies held in the royal palaces of Joseon based on the Uigwe, the official records of the royal protocols of the Joseon dynasty. The discussion also extends to the theme rarely studied so far, namely the original form of the Irworobongdo and its evolution in the following period. The ceremonial "five peak" folding screens (Obongbyeong) used at a number of important palace buildings, including the crown hall (Jeongjeon), royal funerary hall (Binjeon), spirit hall (Honjeon) and portrait shrine (Jinjeon), differed in shape and size from the folding screens used in royal celebratory events such as banquets, although the paintings themselves and the style of mounting them were essentially the same. The paintings were mounted on screens bordered with green silk and ornamented with floral gilt designs. The folding screens used in royal ceremonies were produced according to strict guidelines that required the ceremonies and mounting materials to be graded on the basis of the status of each screen. It was not until the 1960s that these ceremonial folding screens of the Joseon dynasty, which had been neglected during the period of Japanese colonial rule of Korea, began to undergo conservation treatment provided as part of a heritage preservation program. Unfortunately, many of the screens repaired in this period lost some of their original features - largely due to the use of non-traditional mounting techniques. Considering, however, that significant achievements have since been made in the heritage preservation field based on the use of historical evidence, it is now necessary to systematically use the repair history of the information about the remaining royal ceremonial folding screens to ensure that they are preserved and managed more effectively in the future.

A Study on the Creation and Use of Nokgakseong and Underwater Wooden Fence (조선시대 녹각성과 수중목책의 조성 및 활용에 관한 연구)

  • SHIM Sunhui;KIM Choongsik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.4
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    • pp.230-246
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    • 2023
  • The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

Perception on the Nursing Accident Experience of the Nurses and Its Cause (간호사(看護師)들의 간호사고(看護事故) 경험(經驗)과 사고원인(事故原因)에 관한 지각(知覺))

  • Lee, Soon-Bok;Moon, Heui-Ja
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.246-267
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    • 1995
  • Recently the request of the patients to participate in the medical courses has been expanding due to the elevated sense of right on the people's health, merchandised medical treatment by mass supply, human right declaration of the patients, generalized medical informations by the mass media and the change of human relation between the medical personnels and the patients. Under these phenomena the patients have been in the thought of solving such accidents only by regulation of the laws which they think to be all powerful, Such trends are same in the area of nursing service. Also today the accident by the nurses have been increasing by the area of the nurses having been expanded and their independent roles having been increased. Such nursing accidents are the important subject which the professional occupation of the nurse has been facing but legal protective capability of the nurses has been very weak. Therefore this study has examined the degree of the experience of the nursing accident that happens in the clinical nursing scenes in the general hospital to provide the basic materials for the protection and the counter measures of the nursing accident. The following is the conclusion based by the above examination. 1) The experience degree of the whole nursing accidents has been appeared as 1.90 in average. And the degree according to service area has been 1.77 in the area of supervising management of patients, 1.54 in the area of the same management of patients by head-nurses, 1.84 in the area of doctors' treatment performances, 14 in the enforcement and education areas of the nursing technology, 2.04 in the area of observing patients and judgement and 2.07 in the area of nursing records and maintaining confidentials. Accordingly there has been higher degree of accidental experiences in the independent service areas of the patients than in the dependent ones directed by the doctors. 2) The perception of the nurses showed that the cause of the nursing accident has been due to the heavy work of the nurses with the 60.4% of the response rate, the highest rate. They report the accident to the head nurse first by 2/3 nurses after accident. And the hour of the accident has been frequently happened regardless of service hours with 48.1% in response rate, the highest rate, and the nursing accident happens in the night more than the daytime with the rate of 37.5% at night while 14. 4% daytime. 3) The nurses are in the perception that the patients are responsible for the accident with 48.2% response rate while 43.9% rate in response showed that it has been caused by many people. They are in the perception that 41.7% when the nursing power was lacking, 46.7% lower recognition of actual state about indivitual patient in the section of technical speciality and 35.8% when the patients were not cooperative and 37.8% when the wards were dirty and in disorder. 4) the attitude of the patients after the various nursing accidents has been violent words in 72.7%, violence in 17.4% and 3.9% in attending the court by the sue of the patient's side(18 nurses). 5) The action of the hospital has been : requesting the submission of the story of the accident in 22.8%, the report of the accidents in 14.4%, thus the written statement disposal was most, 4.5% was the transfer to the other departments when the accident was larger or the patients' guardians protested strongly and 0.6% of the dismissals of the nurses. 6) In regard to the responsiblity of the nurse accidents, 78.9% was the highest rate of supplying the nursing manpowers, 48.4% of mutual cooperation of the medical personnels, 37.2% of strengthening the education for the nurses and hospital facilities reformation in 32.7%. 7) The review of relation between the general characters of the object of the study and the degree of experience of nursing accidents showed the significant differences in ages (F=4.04, p=0.000).

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