• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.20
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• pp.211-224
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• 2010

In David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly and Shirley Lim's Joss and Gold, two Asian-American texts exploring the relationship between America and Asia, the classic Orientalist motif of the infinitely submissive oriental female is reworked to articulate an Asian response to American hegemony. Both works mobilize the Asian female as a figure of contestation to destabilize and reconceptualize the patriarchal and Orientalist strategies of Western cultural and political domination. This paper explores the tactically different though strategically similar counter-discursive moves adopted in the two works to suggest a broader cultural realignment in Asian-American relations.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.205-227
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• 2023

This study seeks to examine how the West, particularly United States (US), influences the narratives about terrorism, radicalism, and combating violent extremism (CVE) in Muslim majority nations such as Malaysia. We contend that some local institutions and researchers in Malaysia may have assumed the Faustian bargain by agreeing with the Western narrative that Islam's teachings promote violence and extremism in order to meet the demands of survival, whether it be funding for everyday operations or meeting the demands of universities or research institutions to sustain themselves and meet their performance indicators. We conducted a systematic literature review (SLR) from 2001 to 2021 and used Foucauldian Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to understand the role of the US in purposefully supporting workshops and research activities of particular institutions with the intent to influence national discourse on securitization and prospective policy implications. More importantly, we wish to alert Malaysian policymakers to pay particular attention and scrutinize ongoing programs such as the "Building Community Resilience" as these may inadvertently foster Islamophobia.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.31-66
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• 2011

The main issue in Korean debates over genetically modified (GM) foods have been government's responsibility to guarantee consumers' right-to-know and make informed choice. Counter-experts' critique over the current regulatory processes based upon substantial equivalence have not been widely publicized. Through interviews and textual analysis, this paper explored three groups' performances in Korean GM food controversies-regulatory scientists, civil society organizations, and counter-experts. Analytic focus was made upon how each of the groups interact with current GM food regulations. While making conflicts with regulatory scientists and their 'discourse of compliance with global standards,' counter-experts were excluded from regulatory processes. This article suggests that the processes and contexts in which counter-experts failed to form strong alliance with other groups need to be examined in order to further understand the specific contours of Korean GM food controversies.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.19
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• pp.187-205
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• 2009

In this study, Horgan(2005)'s argument highlights the centrality to any successful counter-terrorism strategy of understanding the social context in which terrorist ideologies take root. Counter-terrorism refers to the practices, tactics, techniques, and strategies that governments, militaries, police departments and corporations adopt in response to terrorist threats and/or acts, both real and imputed. Pickering et al.(2008) historically explained four counter-terrorism strategies as traditional counter-terrorism model, community intelligence model, belonging model, social cohesion model. It is thus proposed that counter-terrorism strategies are based in established networks within the community and proactively seeks to continually renew these relationships between the community and police. This approach must embrace an explicit recognition of multiculturalism and its political imperative and drive in a policing organization explicitly committed to social cohesion and human rights in both discourse and practice. We, therefore, suggests community tree counter-terrorism approaches, or community intelligence model, belonging model and social cohesion model to apply to counter-terrorism agencies in Korea. These models are on the basis of Pickering et al.'s counter-terrorism models, which by using community policing to boot socially cohesion police are better able to position themselves as mediators to negotiate settlements between the competing demands of different social groups.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.45-67
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• 2015

This essay aims to search for the reason of why, even after Fukushima nuclear disaster, Korean citizens did not try to seek out the possibility of another energy option. Firstly, we single two counter-concepts, the configuration of risk communication and scientific citizenship, out from the measure of frequency of co-occurrence key-terms and the analysis of survey on the citizens' scientific perception each. Secondly, we try to interpret the meaning of qualitative data, and finally, we draw out the result as follow. Korean government have driven out the pro-nuclear policy, and in this course have made full use of the discourse of there-is-no-alternative-option. We need to take an attention to the reason of why the discourse can circulate freely in society. From one data, we find out that the configuration of risk communication guarantee government's success. But we also should look at the another side, the scientific citizenship. From another data, we find out that the upstream scientific citizenship, the momentum of preparing alternative, has not been mature, and it is reason of why the discourse have an strong influence.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.89-126
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• 2013

The Red shirts came to attract attention of the international community during April to May in 2010 by successfully organizing explosive popular demonstrations. The momentum was the military coup on September 9, 2006. The Red color was chosen amid movements against the new constitution instituted under the military junta. In discourse struggles, the Red shirts compared their resistance against the Democratic Party government lead by Abhisit Vejjajiva to that of phrai (commoner or serfs) against ammart (aristocrats or bureaucrats) under the pre-modern reign of sakdina. The Red shirts strongly accused Prem Tinsulanonda, the chief of the Privy Council, of being a mastermind of 2006 military coup, who symbolically represents the cohesion between the palace and the military. It has constituted an unprecedented defiance towards national taboo where the trinity of Nation, Religion, and King has been consecrated. The objective of this article is to review the Red Shirts' ideology, organizations and activities in terms of the modernized phrai's struggles for expanding counter-hegemony. While Antonio Gramsci focused on why socialist revolution had failed to materialize in capitalist Western Europe, I pay attention to why political liberalism has failed to wash away pre-modernity and take root in capitalist Thailand, applying the Gramscian concept of hegemony by contrasting 'hybrid ammart' with 'modernized phrai'.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.597-618
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• 2009

Leslie Marmon Silko, in her novel Gardens in the Dunes, primarily focuses on revealing the white colonialists' plan to exterminate and destroy American Indians and their culture. In this regard, this novel is clearly an Indian counter narrative to interrogate and abrogate the authority of the oppressive and destructive discourse of the whites who are full of colonialist impulses to sterilize Indians and their culture. However, it should be noted that Silko is very careful not to insist on cultural exclusivism and reverse ethnocentrism, since these only mean a return to the violent colonialists' discourse based on dualism and cultural authenticity which, she believes, has led to the marginalization and eventual deterioration of Indians and their culture. White values and culture are something to recognize and tolerate as long as they are not the products of witchery, also known as the destroyer or evil for Silko, which promotes disruption and antagonism between races and classes. As she reveals in her interview, her major concern in the novel is to dismantle political and/or racial distinctions like Native Americans versus EuroAmericans and thus to enhance the idea of the reconciliation and coexistence of whites and Indians. Silko's Gardens in the Dunes can be regarded as an experiment in the possibility of the universal and homogeneous (at least in its roots) global culture which tolerates all forms of culture. Global culture does not mean a uniform totalitarian culture but a vision of a harmonious world characterized by hybridity and heterogeneity, in which different cultures associate freely without the notion of inferiority or superiority of any one culture. Silko's belief in syncretism emphasizes the spirit of tolerance and exchange between different cultures, dismantling the authority of exclusive ethnocentrism. The ultimate message implied in Gardens in the Dunes is that the syncretic spirit is not only an effective means to correct the white colonialists' hegemonic desire aimed at the extermination of Indians and their culture but also a source of energy for the life and prosperity of modern Indians and their societies.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.1
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• pp.163-183
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• 2012

This paper is one of those attempts to explore some possibility of agreement between feminist discourse and postcolonial discourses through the approach of postcolonial feminism in the reading of the controversial novel, So Far from the Bamboo Grove and Year of Impossible Goodbyes. So Far from the Bamboo Grove, when read from the perspective of postcolonial feminism, reveals 'domestic nationalism' of imperial narratives in which the violence of imperial history in Korea is hidden behind the picture of every day lives of an ordinary Japanese family and Japanese women. Furthermore, postcolonial feminist's perspective interprets Yoko family's nostalgia for their 'home,' Nanam in Korea, as 'imperialist nostalgia' working as a mask to hide the violent history of colonization of Empire. In this way, postcolonial feminist reading of the story detects the ways the narrative of Empire appropriates women, family image and even nostalgia for childhood. At the same time, this perspective explains the readers' empathy for Yoko family's suffering and the concerning women issues caused by wartime rape and sexual violence by defining Yoko as a woman of Japanese Empire, whose life of interstice between imperial men and colonial men cannot be free from violence of rape during anti colonial wars. Year of Impossible Goodbyes as a counter discourse does not overcome the traditional binary opposition of nationalism which quietens gender and class issues. As an attempt to fill in the interstice between the two perspectives of feminism and postcolonialism. postcolonial feminist reading turns out to be a valid tool for the reading of the two novels chosen here.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.64
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• pp.51-79
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• 2020

This study was conducted to pursue Christian education with the socially underprivileged in the era of the Corona-19 pandemic. Corona-19 is a disaster which is caused, destroyed and exploited by human being. At the time of the indiscriminately spreading global pendemic, we must work together to overcome our selfish self-centeredness and make an attempt for everyone in need. It is a study on how humans can help each other survive in the era of Corona-19 and its post-corona. The problem is that there is too much discrimination between the state, race, and economic capacity, and in the end, the extreme discrimination of capitalism is appeared in society and across the country. There is no significant difference in the confirmation rate when Corona-19 infiltrates, but there is a big difference between those with and less in mortality. As a result, today's reality is that people who have a hard time living because they have less usually are far more vulnerable to blocking and defeating virus attacks. Unfortunately, this is the current situation. From the standpoint of a large discourse, attention is paid to climate change and ecological environment, and as a micro discourse, a number of societies who live with tremendous discrimination according to the gap between the rich and the poor (it is gender, race, disabled, nationality) that exist in almost all countries on the planet. We need attention to the weak. To this end, discourses on vaccine inequality, discourses on the needs of the disabled, discourses on different racial damages, discourses on polarization and dystopia, and discourses on educational inequality were treated as the reality faced by the socially underprivileged in the Corona 19 pandemic. To explore Christian education with the socially underprivileged, to explore ways of sharing, giving, and solidarity for win-win, discourse on inter-dependence and mutual responsibility of mankind, direct counter-measures for the socially underprivileged, and critical literacy education. He proposed a discourse on Korea, a discourse on Homo sapiens, which must return to being a part of creation, and finally a theology of friendship with the weak. Christian education based on Bible words must go forward in the era of the Corona 19 pandemic, hungry, naked, nowhere to go, sick, but dying because of being unable to get a remedy. He emphasized the need to establish a caring theology of friendship and pursue a life in which thought and practice harmonize. Thus, the paper proposed the spirit of Christian education not only doing something for the socially weak, but with the socially weak in the daily life.