• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.587-597
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• 1995

Two distinct precious-metal mineralizations actively occur at central and southeastern Korea which display consistent relationships among geologic, geochemical and genetic environments. A large number of preciousmetal vein deposits in the central Korea occur in or near Mesozoic granite batholiths elongated in a NE-SW direction. Whereas, gold and/or silver deposits in the southeastern Korea occur within Cretaceous volcanic and sedimentary rocks. However, most of the precious-metal deposits in the southeastern Korea show characteristics of the silver-rich deposits than the gold-rich deposits in the central Korea. Two epochs of main igneous activities are recognized: a) Jurassic Daebo igneous activity between 121 and 183 Ma, and b) Cretaceous Bulgugsa igneous activity between 60 and 110 Ma. Precious-metal mineralization took place between 158 and 71 Ma, coinciding with portions of the two magmatic activities. Contrasts in the style of mineralization, together with radiometric age data and differences in geologic settings reflect the genetically variable natures of hydrothermal activities from middle Jurassic to late Cretaceous time. The compilation and re-evaluation of these data suggest that the genetic types of hydrothermal precious-metal vein deposits in the central and southeastern Korea varied with time. The Jurassic and early Cretaceous mineralizations are characterized by the Au-dominant type, but tend to change to the Au-Ag and/or Ag-dominant types at late Cretaceous. The Jurassic Au-dominant deposits commonly show several characteristics; prominent associations with pegmatites, simple massive vein morphologies, high fmeness values in ore-concentrating parts, and a distinctively simple ore mineralogy such as Fe-rich sphalerite, galena, chalcopyrite, Au-rich electrum, pyrrhotite and/or pyrite. The Cretaceous precious-metal deposits are generally characterized by some- features such as complex vein morphologies, low to medium fmeness values in the ore concentrates, and abundance of ore minerals including Ag sulfosalts, Ag sulfides, Ag tellurides and native silver. Mineralogical and fluid inclusion studies indicate that the Jurassic Au-dominant deposits in the central area were formed at the high temperature (about $300^{\circ}$ to $500^{\circ}C$) and pressure (about 4 to 5 kbars), whereas mineralizations of the Cretaceous Au-Ag and Ag-dominant deposits were occurred at the low temperature (about $200^{\circ}$ to $350^{\circ}C$) and pressure (<0.5 kbars) from the ore fluids containing more amounts of less-evolved meteoric waters.

• Fire Science and Engineering
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.8-21
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• 2011

This study surveyed historical records on outbreak and features of forest fires during Chosun Dynasty's 518 years in being and analyzed the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty; The Diaries of the Royal Secretariat, archives from Records of the Border Defense Council, The Compilation of Ministry Proposals, Posthumous Records of King Cholchong etc. Forest fires were most prevalent and extreme during King Hyunjong (14 cases) and King Sunjo (13 cases) due to strong wind, and the biggest-ever forest fire broke out in the fourth year of King Soonjo (1804) in the east coast of Korea in Kangwon province. The fire had resulted in 61 fatalities and 2,600 destroyed houses. Forest fire in the east coast of Korea, Kangwon province, in the $13^{th}$ year of King Hyeonjong (1672) is recorded to have caused the highest number of deaths, 65people. The most frequent cause of forest fires during Chosun Dynasty was unidentified (42 cases), followed by accidental fire (10 cases), arson or lightning (3 cases), fire during hunting (2 cases), play with fire by children, destruction of patty fields and dry fields by fire and house fire (1 case respectively). By region, 56 % of forest fires erupted in the east coast (39 cases) and this was followed by the west sea (9 cases), Seoul and central region (8 cases) and the southern part of Korea (7 cases). By season, spring was found to be most vulnerable to forest fire as it accounted for 73 % of the total amounting to 46 cases. Behind were summer (11 cases), winter (6 cases) and autumn (0 case). Specifically, most forest fire broke out on April and May, which is the same as today. Archives and literature indicate that the person who involved in forest fire by accidental as well as arson had to be punished by banishment, expulsion from government office and public hanging. Also, officials in charge of the region that suffered forest fire were subject to reprimand. In conclusion, risk and gravity of forest fires were evident during the Chosun Dynasty as specified in historical archives and share many similarities with today's forest fires in terms of the duration and regional patterns.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2020

This study aims to analyze the developed characteristics of the knowledge and information of gardens through garden or flowering plant books compiled in the 15th and 19th centuries of Joseon Dynasty. Diachronically analysis of the garden or flowering plant books classified the characteristics in which knowledge and information about gardens are developed by the period, and looked at the factors. The results are as follows; First, the relationship between the authors who compiled the garden or flowering plant books had similar characteristics to the genealogy of Realist School of Confucianism(實學) in the Joseon Dynasty. Kang, Hee-An's practical features influenced later realist school of confucianism scholars. Lee, Su-Gwang has accumulated knowledge of the garden through his experience of traveling the diplomatic envoy to China. Since then, Hong Man-sun's ideology has been related to Charles, a member of the Southerners. Seo Yu-gu was also able to accept Realist School of Confucianism in an integrated way through the Jungnong school's theory and interaction with the Jungsang school. Ryu, Jung-Lim's relationship with the Jungnong school emerged as he added to the 『Jeungbosanrimgyeongje(增補山林經濟)』. Second, the 『Yanghwasorok(養花小錄)』, 『Jibongyuseol(芝峯類說)』 「Hwuimok(卉木)」, 『Hangjeongrok(閑情錄)』, 『Sanrimgyeongje(山林經濟)』 「Yanghwa(養花)」, 『Jeungbosanrimgyeongje(增補山林經濟)』 「Yanghwa(養花)」, 『Hwaamsurok(花庵隨錄)』 and 『Imwongyeongjeji(林園經濟志)』 「Yewonji(藝畹志)」 contain garden plant characteristics, cultivation methods, and management methods. The 『Imwongyeongjeji(林園經濟志)』 「Seomyongji(贍用志)」, 「Iunji(怡雲志)」, 「Sangtaekji(相宅志)」 contain details on the location selection of gardens, the layout of facilities, how to create them and materials. The description of these garden or flowering plant books was found to be the most common introduction with 55 percent, followed by methodologies(42.8%), the Lichi Theory(理氣論, 15.5%), the classification(12.4%), and the convention(1.9%). Third, based on the importance of knowledge and information on gardens, the garden or flowering plant books related to the period were classified as early period, including 『Yanghwasorok(養花小錄)』, 『Jibongyuseol(芝峯類說)』 which were compiled before the 17th century. The 18th-century compiled 『Sanrimgyeongje(山林經濟)』 and 『Jeungbosanrimgyeongje(增補山林經濟)』 were classified as middle period, and the 19th-century compilation of 『Imwongyeongjeji(林園經濟志)』 was classified as late period. The garden or flowering plant books were cited the contents of ancient Chinese books, the author's experiences and opinions contained in the preceding period in later garden books. And the reinforcement of garden knowledge was made to reflect the agricultural technology and expertise developed at the time of writing. Fourth, based on analysis of the development and acceptance of knowledge information in garden by period, In the early period was dealing with floriculture as a way to explore the logic of things. Later, in the 18th century, a vast influx of garden knowledge information came from China. Among scholars, they secured justification for garden creation as part of various knowledge-seeking activities, which expanded their expertise in gardens. In response to the trend of gardening in the 19th century, professional books were written based on knowledge and information on gardens that were collected in the past, and systems were established such as the collection and management of garden plants, construction methods, enjoying methods, and self-realization.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.65
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• pp.365-396
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• 2020

I examined the archival basis of two historians who wrote history books with the same title of 'History'; Simaqian of ancient China and Herodotus of Halikarnassos. I examined a prejudice to these two history books, a misunderstanding of them as an imagination rather than a history. How can an imagination become a history? First, I explained the common characteristics found in their compilation and writing of 'History.' Simaqian and Herodotus did their field-works in historical sites, gathered oral-histories, and arranged archives they collected. These two historians heavily engaged in archival works in terms of verifying authenticity and reliability of their sources on the basis of historical empiricism. There are some misunderstanding on their archival endeavor and on the very nature of archives and historical studies as empirical studies. Furthermore, this misunderstanding regarding them as literature came from a confusion over the concept of literature. The creativity of literature is not equal to the "fictitiousness" of history despite historical works sometimes may give us an impression by the way of describing and providing insight into a certain event(s) and a person(s). As Herodotus said, a recognition of the differences of each race and human is a departure of historical archiving of the valuable experiences of human-beings. By doing so, natural results of archival behaviors, preservation of the records, and consistent inquiry of historian-archivists become a humanistic passage overcoming the current wrong trends of historical studies confined to a narrow nation-history.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.121-136
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to derive the features of cold damage clinical medicine during the early days of the Chosun(朝鮮) period by analyzing discussions on cold damage published in the official medical book of the Chosun period, Compendium of Prescription from the Countryside(鄕藥集成方, CPC). Cold damage was one of the typical diseases in East Asia where there was constant seeking of the utilization of prescriptions, ways of preparations, and awareness regarding cold damage as shown in Zhang, Zhongjing(張仲景)'s Treatise on Cold Damage Disease(傷寒論, TCDD) below. Traditional Korean medicine which possessed the medical universality of East Asia also was no exception and through an analysis of the part on cold damage in CPC, it is expected that medical features of cold damage in Korea passed down from the Koryo(高麗) Dynasty to the early Chosun period will be revealed. For this, first there needs to be an organization of past discussions on cold damage surrounding the existence of infection and after checking the issues, exploring which of the writings related to TCDD and editions are being utilized through an analysis on citing literature of Cold Damage Disease Literature(傷寒門) and Heat Pathogen Disease Literature(熱病門) which have developed discussions on cold damage in CPC. In addition, by comparing Peaceful Holy Benevolent Prescription(太平聖惠方, PHBP) and Complete Record of Sacred Benevolence(聖濟總錄, CRSB), known to have greatly influenced CPC and Cold Damage Literature and Heat Pathogen Disease Literature, features of form and content used by CPC were analyzed. Features of form were examined through pattern of organization and number of citing literature were examined and for features of content, cold damage infection, classification, syndrome differentiation method, and utilization of materia medica among prescriptions were examined. Discussions on cold damage as being uninfectious as stated in Treatise on the Pathogenesis and Manifestations of All Diseases(諸病源候論) unlike pestilence, epidemic pathogen(時氣), warm pathogen disease(溫病), and heat pathogen disease were excluded in PHBP. PHBP opened the possibility of cold damage infection and later writings, CRSB and CPC also follow this. As a result of analyzing citing literature of the part on cold damage in CPC, it is uncertain which edition of TCDD is being utilized; however, the most distinctive feature was that Classified Emergency Materia Medica(證類本草) and not writings specializing in cold damage are in use. In general, although CPC in terms of form is similar to CRSB, content creation predominantly depended on PHBP. More specifically; first, in terms of the existence of cold damage infection, arguments of PHBP and CRSB are maintained. Second, in terms of cold damage classification, although CRSB is followed, heat pathogen disease is classified separately developing PHBP as is. Third, in terms of method, as Book of Keep Healthy(南陽活人書) and CRSB compiled in later times are cited, it is deemed that arguments were raised to a certain extent regarding six-meridian syndrome differentiation(六經辨證). Fourth, although the majority of utilized materia medica among cold damage prescriptions utilize Materia Medica from the Countryside(鄕藥本草) in CPC and materia medica from Korean Peninsula, this is due to the desire for the compilation performance of CPC to be propagated to ordinary citizens and not the ruling class. CPC as the official medical book compiled in the early days of the Chosun period was greatly influenced by the Song(宋) Dynasty's medical books, PHBP and CRSB shows that cold damage medicine in the early Chosun Period indeed possesses the medical universality of East Asia. Furthermore, the features of published medical theory and prescriptions reveal the existence of the cold damage medical tradition of the Chosun period serving as clues for cold damage research tradition among Korea's medical history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.325-355
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• 2012

This research aims to generalize the thoughts of military science of the intellectuals through the books on military arts and science, which were published in the early Joseon Dynasty. In the early Joseon dynasty, it was in a position to establish the foundation in the new monarch internally, and, at the same time, to overcome foreign powers on both northern and southern borders externally. Thus, the books on military arts and science should have to be published under a premise of such situations. Accordingly, the books on military arts and science of those days took account of political stability having reflected the activities not only as the founder of Joseon but also as the military officer in the late Goryeo along with the books' own purpose to found military arts and sciences. The books on military arts and science that published in the early Joseon Dynasty were written mostly based on Chinese military books and its annotations, except some descriptions of the history of war. However, the intellectuals at that time endeavored to redefine military arts and science from the perspective of Confucianism having evaluated Chinese military science books that were biased to boost Machiavellian tactics. As a result of this, the geographical distinctions between China and Korea were the start of an argument for the military arts and science. There were also disputes over the relationships between the military science and the Yin-Yang School, and between the military science and Confucian school. Organizing our country's own history of war for the first time in the early Joseon Dynasty is worth for putting a high evaluation. However, it cannot help but to point out the limits of the books that there are noticeable descriptions about the factors related to toadyism, and that there are no descriptions about the wars against Japanese raiders. The books on military arts and science in the early Joseon Dynasty put emphasis on the commander's leadership that should be good at both literary and martial arts, as well as the harmony in military-to-military relations. After all, the intellectuals in the early Joseon Dynasty had linked the military arts and science to the sages of Confucian school under a premise that scholarship is to be used in combination with martial arts. And, as the nexus between the two, they noted the items of virtue, such as humaneness and righteousness (仁義); ritual and music (禮樂); loyalty and filial piety (忠孝); three fundamental principles (三綱); five moral disciplines (五倫). It can be said that this point is the typical features of the military arts and science in the early Joseon Dynasty, which cannot be found in Chinese military classics.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.20
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• pp.77-114
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• 2009

The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. First, there is no good records management regulation. At this research, I found it that most regulations of the labor unions were all the same. I think they have been copied a kind of one of originality. Second, the definition of records were very narrow, like documentary evidence. Third, the classification, filing, disposal regulations are the below level of the public institution in 1970s. Fourth, there are no standards of the records scheduling for the labor records. What kind of labor records have the historical values? I could not find, only the documentary evidence value. So, I think The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. I investigated the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA. There were many kind of records. For example, the records of regional labor unions also central labor unions, pamphlets, journals, photos, personal records, oral history, organizational records like protocols article of associations internal rules, minute books etc. Like this the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA are very various. But our actual conditions of the labor unions is far from that. Rather, we just have tried collected records for publishing the white papers. But this habitual practice would not be desirable. Because they must manage the records from the producing time. Mostly, 'laborer history HANNAE' were organised, and they are trying the collecting and management of the labor records. Also They are trying the computerizing, compilation. 'HANNAE' has the condition for the transformation of the labor archives. But if they want to be really, they must make the records management infra and so, should normalize the record management firstly. For example, They must be keep the standardized records management regulations, records scheduling redesigned. the developing standard model for the records management. And they have the vision for the hub of the labor archives. When coming to this, it will be realized the labor archives Now the records for the working class are disappearing. The managing the records for the labor is another labor movement. All together should join it. But I think the supporting of the archival science research colleagues will be the essential part.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.19
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• pp.153-192
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• 2009

Appearing newly on June 1894, Gaboh regime enforced modern reformation policy. In light of archives' management, it was totally different from before. Government established individual department of record management in every division and proclaimed a legislative bill which was stipulated about record management process. They modified archives' form including peculiar declaration of the name of an era and use together with Korean and Chinese. Also they tried to conserve the original copy of the archives. As King Gojong announced the Great Han Empire(Taehan Cheguk, 大韓帝國) on October 1897, he reinforced Gaboh regimes' weakened royal authority and enforced reformation policy which was designed for himself. First he abolished the administration which restricted royal authority, and established new department called Euijungbu(議政府). To restrain the royal power, he separated the Royal House and government and reinforced Gungnaebu(宮內府). In addition, King Gojong enforced the policy which he can manage directly about troops, policies, and finances. Consequently, He established Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), and made direct belonging of an emperor. Also, department called Naejangwon(內藏院) tried to levy many kinds of taxes directly to build up the financial foundation under the emperor. The record management system of Great Han Empire succeeded to that of Gaboh regimes Times'. First, government and powerful organization directly under the emperor set up the department of record management. Euijungbu (議政府) and governmental department, of course, Gungnaebu(宮內府), Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), Tongshinwon(通信院), Jikyeahmun(地契衙門) which support the right of an emperor established document division and record division individually. To carry out government's service effectively and systematically, it was considered effective to divide record management department. Moreover, despite the difference between the divisions, they were separated into current record division and non current record division. Generally, document department took charge of acceptance, sending and crafting of current document and archives department was eligible for preservation and compilation of major document and eternal conservation document. This seems to consider life cycle of the record and keep the evaluation of record in mind. Finally, perception for the record management has revealed to modern configuration.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.91-113
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• 2001

History always be re-interpreted as the time flows. 'The Sillok', Which was registered in Memory of World of UNESCO in 1997, is comprehensive documents of the Chosun Dynasty, which had been compiled after kings' death, The Sillok encompasses 473 years of the reign in their 848 volumes(1,893 chapters). It was a history itself and has been main source in studying Korean history. Due to the rise of studies on the Sillok, time has come to explore the nature of the Sillok and to criticize the text, which would be called 'The Sillok-Study'. In this context, this paper examined three concepts that categorize the nature of the Sillok as historical materials ;Is it book or record?; The Sillok in register system in pre-modern society; And the Sillok as the National Archives. Korean historians, including myself, haven't yet examined the question whether the Sillok is the Book or Record in terms of archival science. At first, I regarded it as history book, and with this presupposition, wrote several papers on the characteristics of the Sillok. However, I recognized that the Sillok are close to record rather that history book as I examined the definition of glossary of librarian study, OED (Oxford English Dictionary) and Encyclopedia of Britannica, etc. Definitely, the Sillok was neither compiled and published to be read and sold publicly, nor meant to the works of literature or scholarship. one may say that the court-historians wrote comments on the facts and therefore it was just scholarly work. However, because the court-historians produced their comments on their own businesses, the outcome of 'their scholarly works' were also records conceptually, as were daily court-journalists in Rome. Its publication also had a absolutely different meaning from that of modern society. It was a method to preserve the important national records and distributed each edition of them to plural repositories for its safety and security. How can we explain its book-like shape and the procedure of compilation after a kings' death. The answer is as follows ; In pre-modern society, it was a common record-keeping system in the world to register records materials in order to arrange the materials of different sizes and to store them conveniently. And the lack of scientific preservation or conservation skill also encouraged them to register original records. Actually, the court-historians who participated in the compiling process called themselves "registering officers". On the other hand, similar to social hierarchy, there was a hierarchical system of records, and the Sillok was placed at the top of this hierarchy. In conclusion, the Sillok was a kind of registered records in the middle ages and the supreme records in the records-world. In addition to this we can also conceptualize the Sillok as archives. Through the compiling process, the most important and valuable records were selected to be the parts of Sillok. This process corresponds to the modem records appraisal. In the next step, it was preserved in the Four Archives(史庫) which located at remote site as archives and only accessible by the descendents in the future, who might be the people of the next dynasty. And nobody could access or read the documents at that time except the authorized court-historians who were archivists of the Chosun Dynasty. From this perspective, I conclude that Sillok was the supreme confidential archives in the register system. I work for the Government Archives as a historian and archivist. Whenever I entered the exhibition hall of the Government Archives and Records Service(GARS) and saw the replica of the Archives of Taebeak Mountain built during Chosun period, I always asked to myself a question whether the Sillok can be a symbol of the archival tradition of Korea and the GARS. Now, I can say, 'Yes!' definitely.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.39-71
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• 2012

This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.