• 통상정보연구
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.277-297
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• 2006

Joined WTO, China has revised or removed continuously some of existing enter barriers which have been protecting Chinese distribution market. Chinese government intend to open completely it's distribution market in 2007. Such as the open policy of Chinese distribution impact on Korean firms which invest in China. in order to occupy China's market, Korean firms needs to prepare counterplan on change of China's distribution environments. China's distribution environment is uncertain on account of remaining communism system even though opening it's distribution market. The purpose of this paper is to suggest diverse counterplan of Korean firms and answer how Korean firms can enter the China's distribution market successfully. through exmaninig how China's distribution channel is formulated and implemented. this study exhibits a model for strategy of Korean firms and shows implementations schemes.

• 영어영문학
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• 제64권4호
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• pp.617-628
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• 2018

The aim of this essay is to discuss the relationship between Korean literature and Korean intellectual scenes. Since its first introduction to the local context, literature as a genre has served as a field in which colonial and post-colonial intellectuals have attempted to win the accreditation of Western enlightenment. Literature has been regarded as a crucial instrument of liberal arts and education in Korea. Literature has functioned as a social movement in Korea since its inception. During the colonial period, radical intellectuals and literary writers published essays and articles in literary journals. This status as a social movement is still a distinctive characteristic of Korean literature. From the outset, Korean literature has functioned as an enlightenment project for cultural development. As such, Korean literature retains a political meaning of "literariness," which reshuffles the hierarchy of the sensible and creates novelty against given aesthetic regimes. As a result, in the process these regimes are thereby de-purified of their status as purely aesthetic movements; their perspectives thereby come into contact with other discourses and practices outside the art world. This essay argues that as a genre, Korean literature always functions as "world literature" in Korean intellectual scenes.

• 중국학논총
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• 제64호
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• pp.99-117
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• 2019

This study examines the themes the two authors shared - anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-ideology - 《The Myth of the 20th Century》 and 《The Age of Passion》, 《Waiting for the Barbarians》 and 《Disgrace》. Both pieces opposed imperialist aggression and oppression and rejected colonial rule with the issue of their identity as strangers, and stood up against huge powers, including the fictionalization of ideology, racism, and despotism. Kim Hak-chul understood communism as a humanitarian, not a personal cult or individual dictatorship. Most of his work is autobiographical novels that he has experienced and are based on realism. Kim Hak-chul voluntarily chose China to actively fight against reality and showed the reality as it is to change history and politics, but Coetzee did not directly reveal the relationship between the perpetrator and victim, the ruler and the one being ruled, but maintained a certain distance from politics, revealing the reality of society and its system.

• 수완나부미
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.79-111
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• 2016

Malaya attained independence on August 31, 1957 from Britain. However this new nation faced a communist insurgency known today as the "Malayan Emergency" (1948-1960). Then in 1961, Tunku announced a wider federation of "Malaysia", viz. Malaya, British Crown Colonies of Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo, and the protectorate of Brunei. Countering communism was a principal motive for "Malaysia". Sarawak's leftist elements were rejected with an armed opposition. Malaysia was formed excluding Brunei. Amidst its birth pangs, Malaysia faced hostile neighbors Indonesia and the Philippines; the former objected by way of Konfrontasi (1963-1967) while the latter laid claim to Sabah (formerly North Borneo). Malaya/ Malaysia was borne in the midst of the Cold War (1947-1991), a bipolar world between the US and the USSR. Malaya/Malaysia is utilized as a case of analysis and evaluation in the context of the twin trends of continuities and transformations in tracing the historical developments from the 1950's to the 1990's. The risks, motives, and challenges that prompted the shift in foreign relations reveal as much of the personality of the political leadership, the prevailing situations, and conditions from within and circumstances from without.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제13호
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• pp.7-33
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• 2012

The memory of the Korean War is about the time period when people lived toughly during evacuation, due to being exposed to the natural climate such as intense cold or heat without any protection, leaving their comfortable home and living in temporary built shelters which were barely enough to avoid the wind. 'Death is concealed and only the figures of evacuation for survival were expressed, just as how the government ordered. Since the experience of the battlefield is personal and fragmentary, that is broken into pieces, it does not have compatibility. As war is a distorted experience that cannot be placed in a big picture, it is not possible to take a view of the war's big picture. Having this individualized experience as a common collective memory is an issue and it is the will that people tries to pursue. The reason why the evacuees from north to south, and as well as from the south to further south were all able to be adopted as the theme of artworks due to the military action that emptied the occupied territories of the North Korean Army under the forced removal command. In such situations, the natural state of the 'snow' was like a symbol of the 1.4 Recession. The group of people who were thrown into the intense cold displaced the war damage of loosing their base livelihood, and symbolized the obedient citizens who faithfully follow their government's command. The figure of advocating anti-communism is projected as a figure of a refugee during cold winter-time and it contains ones past which he or she obeyed its own country's commands. Evacuation, especially the evacuation during the winter is a visual device that can confirm these kinds of country's command. The consequences were same for the artists as well. Therefore, the situation being communal could be found due to the individual experiences during war are ideological. The image of the refuge shown in the picture played the role of strengthening the consciousness of defecting to South Korea into the meaning of the 'Finding Freedom.' I would like to express that the reason of them leave their home during the harsh winter is in order to avoid the oppression of the Communist Party. The evacuation that people went through was not to 'Finding Freedom', but 'To Survive'. Later, this evacuation has been imprinted as a behavior of choosing free Republic of Korea, which was an ideological issue. Anti-communism was the rule of survival in South Korea society, and people have the tendency to remember what they want to remember. As it is not the people who possesses an incident, but the memory that possesses ones, people cover their memory with disguised plots in order to forget the violence and to live a different prologue. They share the incident of violence as a hurtful memory. The tragedy of the Korean War was the result of Ideology and being in between the powerful nations' rights, but the violence during the war has been depicted as a natural disaster, which was the evacuation in heavy snow.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제36호
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• pp.333-374
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• 2009

우리 문화는 다른 어떤 국가나 문화보다도 학교교육에서 도덕의식을 강조하고 있다. 한국 전통문화에서 교육은 인간의 자기완성과 초월(초범입성(超凡入聖))을 위한 실천적 과업으로 이해된다. 본 연구는 다음 두 가지 문제의 식에서 출발한다. 첫째, 한국사회에서 도덕교육은 19세기 후반 근대적인 학교 교육의 출범이후 현재에 이르기까지 당대의 사회 정치적 상황에 따라 어떤 형태로 유형화될 수 있는가? 둘째, 해방이후 한국 교육의 전개 과정에 나타난 도덕교육의 주요 쟁점은 무엇인가? 특히 본 연구는 이들 쟁점을 동양 윤리 교육의 맥락에서 반성하고 검토하는 논의를 본 연구의 주요 관심사로 삼고 있다. 19세기 후반 이후 우리나라 도덕교육은 "충효교육과 수신교육", "민주시민교육과 반공교육", "도덕교육과 인성교육"의 유형으로 구분할 수 있다. 이러한 도덕교육의 유형은 우리 근대사의 사회정치적 상황과 밀접하게 연관되어 있다. 한국사회에서 도덕교육의 유형은 전통 도덕교육의 정신이나 기본 가치를 계승하고 발전시키기 보다는 정치적 이해관계에 따라 그 정신을 일정한 형태로 왜곡하고 있다고 보는 것이 본 연구의 주된 주장이다. 더 나아가 본 연구는 오늘날 한국사회에서 주요한 두 가지 쟁점, 곧 "국가 중심주의"와 "서양 중심주의"를 중심으로 도덕교육의 특징과 발전 방향을 논의하고 있다. 국가중심주의는 개인의 인격 함양에 기초한 공동체 건설보다는 국가의 정치적 이해관계에 따라 구성원들의 의지를 집단화함으로써 개인들로 하여금 "자기 소외"를 심화하게 하였고, 서양 중심주의는 서양을 중심부로 한국이나 기타 전통과 사상을 주변부로 인식하게 함으로써 한국인들에게 "자기부정" 의식을 강화하여왔다. 본 연구는 이러한 두 가지 쟁점, 특히 한국 도덕교육에서 "서양 중심주의"를 극복하기 위하여 동양윤리교육에 대한 재해석과 이해를 위한 노력이 무엇보다 요청되어야 한다는 점을 강조하고 있다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제25권2호
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• pp.21-30
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• 2016

Autonomia movement that emerged in Italy in the 1960s from workerist (operaismo) communism gives historical and discursive context to Manfredo Tafuri's famous criticism of ideology. His thesis on the death of architecture was a radical criticism of Keynesian intervention which was a strategy to cope with the Great Depression. For him, this capitalist development had taken away ideological prefiguration from architecture. At least Tafuri's this early intellectual phase was formed in the wake of magazine Contrapiano and Antonio Negri's influence. Tafuri almost entirely adapted Negri's thought on the importance of capitalist innovation that was uncovered by Keynes, Schumpeter, and Manheim and the periodization in modern history. When we read Tafuri's text with this concrete context, we can avoid being plunged into his abstruseness. On the other hand, 1980's Korea cannot understand Tafuri comprehensibly. 1980's situation to struggle to acquire democracy prescribed only one mode of reception of Tafuri's historiography in Korea. Tafuri's so-called pessimist view point could not satisfy student activists. They want to take intellectual means to sustain student movement and to secure political dynamics of protest. But at the same time they have anxiety to understand tafuri's thesis that they consider ad a critical theory for Korean Architecture. Double contexts of Tafuri's criticism of ideology bring to light to historicize both Tafuri's historiography itself and reception of his text in Korea.

• 한국환경교육학회지:환경교육
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.322-334
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• 1999

In environmental value education, the difference between Ecological and Economic view-point about environmentmust should be considered. Usually, although the differences are unavoidable, because our lifes are inclined to Economic life. But this propensity have become great obstacles to Environmental value education by diluting the fundamental reasons which the nature should be preserved. Furthermore we can't say that environmental problems are not solved just by economic approach, owing to its limits of solving by incentives. So we can say that it is very important to have equalized view-points in the relations of economics and ecology for balanced environmental value education. This study is to alternative environmental value education program, to have equalized view-points in the relations of economics and ecology through the small community located in Japan. The exact name of that program is GENSANGGAI. They have persued to attain a spiritual state of complete absence of ego through this program, and this spiritual state can be important environmental value educaton goal, which make the student to see the evironment with equalized view-points in the interdependence between economics and ecology. we can say that this program can be a kind affective (sentimentally perceived) environmental education program. It can be good environmental education program in affective domain. we can say that equalized view-points is to attain a spiritual state of complete absence of ego. This program is some similar to Kohlberg's latter term theory and Open educationin theory in substantial aspect, he persued Just Community Approach through Kibbutz in Israel. From the basis of his theory, if the GENSANGGAI program, which means harmony between socialization and development of moral stage, individualism and communism.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.1-40
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• 2010

China and Southeast Asia share intimate relationships based on close spatial, temporal and human conditions. Thus, Southeast Asian studies in China boast of a long lineage of 'traditional', 'embryonic', 'closed' and 'opened' Southeast Asian studies. In the modern period the 'embryonic Southeast Asian studies,' professing conservative nationalism based on traditional Sino-centric perspectives, accumulated elementary knowledges on the history of Sino-Southeast Asian relations and Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. On the other hand, 'closed Southeast Asian studies' standing for radical Communism suffered from chronic stagnation. After the Reform and Opening, 'opened Southeast Asian studies' recorded impressive progress in the restoration and development of Southeast Asian studies. Nevertheless, 'opened Southeast Asian studies' are faced with some serious problems such as biased perspectives, traditional methods, and national subjects. Most of all, it is urgent to overcome Sino-centric perspectives on Southeast Asia. Despite the opening of Southeast Asian studies to the diverse methods of modern social sciences, descriptive studies prevail over analytical ones. Regardless of the diversification of subjects, national questions such as the overseas Chinese and cross-border nationalities are prone to excessive nationalism.

• 수완나부미
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.59-83
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• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.