• Journal of the Mineralogical Society of Korea
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.295-306
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• 2018

Despite the utility of solid-state NMR, NMR studies of iron-bearing silicate glasses remain a challenge because the variations in the peak position and width with increasing iron content reflect both paramagnetic effect and iron-induced structural changes. Therefore, it is essential to elucidate the effect of temperature on the NMR signal for iron-bearing silicate glasses. Here, we report the $^{29}Si$ and $^{27}Al$ MAS NMR spectra for $(Mg_{0.95}Fe_{0.05})SiO_3$ and $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ (anorthite) glasses with varying spinning speed to interpret the NMR spectra for iron-bearing silicate glasses. The increase in the spinning speed results in an increase in the sample temperature. The current NMR results allow us to understand the origins of the changes in NMR signal with increasing iron content and to provide information on the dipolar interaction between nuclear spins. The $^{29}Si$ NMR spectra for $(Mg_{0.95}Fe_{0.05})SiO_3$ glass and $^{27}Al$ NMR spectra for $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ glasses show that the peak shape and position of iron-bearing glasses do not change with increasing spinning speed up to 30 kHz. These results suggest that the NMR signal in the Fe-bearing glasses may stem from the 'survived nuclear spins' beyond the cutoff radius from the Fe, not from the paramagnetic shift. Based on the current results, the observed apparent shifts toward lower frequency of Al peak for $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ glasses with increasing $Fe_2O_3$ at all spinning speed (15 kHz to 30 kHz) indicate the increase in the fraction of ${Q^4}_{Al}$(nSi) with lower n (i.e., 1 or 2) with increasing $Fe_2O_3$ and the spatial proximity between Fe and ${Q^4}_{Al}$(nSi) with higher n (i.e., 3 or 4). The present results show that changes in the NMR signal for iron-bearing silicate glasses reflect the actual iron-induced structural changes. Thus, it is clear that the applications of solid-state NMR for iron-bearing silicate glasses hold strong promise for unraveling the atomic structure of natural silicate glasses.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.157-186
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• 2018

Ulsan Soeburi song was reenacted in the 1980s based on the testimony and songs of late Choi Jae man (1987 death), the last blacksmith of the iron production plant at Dalcheon dong, Ulsan in August 1981. The purpose of this study is to analyze Soeburi song from the musical perspective based on 13 kinds of data including video in 1981, and confirm the changing patterns in the tradition process. The derived results are summarized as follows. In the results of examining Soeburi Song data in 2017, the percussion instruments consist of kkwaenggwari 2 (leading small gong 1, follow small gong 1), jing 2 (large gong 2), buk 4 (drum 4), janggu 4 (double headed drum 4), taepyongso 1 (Korean shawm 1), and Jangdan (rhythm) consists of five such as Jilgut, Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi, Jajin Deotbaegi. The vocal songs are sung accompanied by the Deotbaegi Jajin Deotbaegi (beat) of quarter small triplet time, or without accompaniment. The scale is mostly Mi La do's third note or Mi La do re's fourth note, and the range does not exceed one octave. All the cadence tones are the same as La. From the results of observing Soeburi song performance until today after the excavation in 1981, it is found that there are four major changes. First, the composition of the music is differentiated into 'long Jajin (slow fast)', and , , and are added. Second, the singing method is based on 'single cantor + multi post singers' since 1980's reenactment, and a single post singer was also specified from time to time. In addition, , which was performed in 2013, became the foundation of . Third, a melodic change of was observed. All beat structures are quarter small triplet time, but the speed gets slow, Mi La do's three notes are skeletonized to be corrected with high re and low sol, and then the characteristics of Menari tori (the mode appeared in the eastern province of the Korean peninsula) are to be clear. Lastly, the four percussion instruments such as kkwaenggwari, jing, janggu, and buk are frequently used, and depending on the performance, sogo (hand drum), taepyongso, yoryeong (bell) are also added. Jangdan played Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi and Jajin Deotbaegi from the beginning, and thereafter, the Jilgut Jangdan was added. Through these results as above, it is confirmed that at the time of the first excavation, a simple form of such as has been changed into a male labor song, the purpose of which has changed, and that the playability has become stronger and changed into a performing arts.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.165-194
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• 2018

Employing Fairclough's critical discourse analysis (CDA), the purpose of this study was to analyze linguistically significant features, intertextuality, and sociocultural practice focusing on selected editorials of The Global Times, $Hu{\acute{a}}nqi{\acute{u}}$ Shíbào on the 2018 United States-China Trade War. The editorial titled "With the strong will of 'the War to Resist America and Aid Chosun,' let us go through the trade war against America" focused on the use of 'war' related vocabulary in the frame of 'war.' First, "Trade War" and "War to Resist America and Aid Chosun" are examples that reveal metaphors and a war frame. Second, "Strategy" is used positively for China but negatively towards America. Third, various war related words are used. Fourth, cases of allusion illustrate war. Intertextuality in terms of discourse practice pertains to two findings. First, The Global Times, $Hu{\acute{a}}nqi{\acute{u}}$ Shíbào repeatedly uses the phrase 'equivalent revenge.' That is because the expression enables China to justify their counterattack and such war that China may wage can be interpreted as just counterattack much like a self-defense mechanism. Second, the expression, 'the counterattack is not intended but it is not fearful' is repeated in several editorials of the newspaper. The reasons are the following: 1) it is used to appeal to the public, 2) by invoking the feeling of fear, the public should be understand why they should unite, and 3) the expression, "it is not fearful" is used to preserve China's global image and "the counterattack is not intended" is used to signal China's will to America. The whole expression is a good example of intertextuality that repetitively illustrates the intended meaning of China in nine editorials in the newspaper within three months, March 23-June 17, 2018. Finally, sociocultural practice is manipulated through the editorial for disseminating the Chinese government's hegemonic ideology. First, it is clear that the core national project, "China Manufacturing 2025" cannot be abandoned. Second, by calling for "War to Resist America and Aid Chosun" the editorial is manipulated to condemn and intimidate America, avoid dissent of the people, appeal to the people, and empower the government. Third, China somehow wants to open up the possibility of negotiation with the United Sates.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.107 no.4
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• pp.456-477
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• 2018

We analyzed the data on medicinal plants and related traditional knowledge in Korea and China using data analysis method. There are 108 families 214 genera 542 species, and 202 families 660 genera 1,261 species were found in Korea and China respectively. Total of 86 families (79.6%) and 130 genera (60.7%) were in common both countries. More than one information were recorded in many species, however, there was only one information from some species (32.7% of genera in Korea, and 58.8% of genera in China). The most frequent appeared plant family was Compositae (Asteraceae) in both countries (8.4% in Korea and 10.7% in China) and followed by Rosecease and Leguminocae (Fabaceae). Plant parts were classified 11 parts and roots were mostly used in Korea and whole plants in China. Usages were described in different terms of ailments or symptoms. There are 120 usage in Korea and 230 in China. Plant uses for the ailment or symptoms are pain, digestive system disorder, cold and etc. in Korea. In China, plants were mostly used for clear heat, digestive system disorder, cough and etc. Relation between the plant and ailment(symptom) of the top 10 plants in Korea and China was different although from same plant family. We also analyzed the relations between plant species and part used, and plants parts and ailment(symptom). With the data analysis method, we were able to collect the medicinal plant resources data and found the differences in plant resources, usage, and plant part for use. The result provide important information of the plant resources and related traditional knowledge of Korea for use of plant resources in industry and facilitate to plan a strategy to cope with Nagoya Protocol in the future.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.647-658
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• 2018

The aim of this study is to investigate the seasonal changes of phytoplankton communities based on the environmental changes in a dense oyster farming area (Hansan-Geoje Island) from June to December 2016. The water temperature varied from $14^{\circ}C$ to $28.8^{\circ}C$ and its salinity ranged from 29.4 to 34.2 psu. Nitrate+nitrite was kept at c.a. $3.0{\mu}M$ on the surface layer from June to July, below the concentration limit in August and early September, and then gradually increased from late September. Ammonia was high on July 20 and August 10, and its seasonal characteristics were not clear. Phosphate ranged from 0.01 to $0.7{\mu}M$ on the surface layer, and its seasonal changes were similar to those of nitrate+nitrite. Mean silicate concentrations were $10.7{\mu}M$ on the surface and $15.7{\mu}M$ in the bottom layer, and it was not acted as a limiting factor for the growth of phytoplankton. Among the phytoplankton community, Bacillariophyceae, Dinophyceae and Cryptophyceae was 61.2%, 22.5%, and 13.6%, respectively. In late June, dinoflagellate Prorocentrum donghaiense was dominant in the outer waters(St. T1), later on, Cryptomonas spp. and Chaetoceros spp. were dominant, respectively. From late September to October, diatoms Pseudo-nitzschia spp. and Chaetoceros spp. were stimulated under non-stratified condition after the typhoon. In December, A. sanguinea was found to be $1.7{\times}10^5cells\;L^{-1}$. Seasonally, relative high phytoplankton biomass may be favorable to maintain high production of filter feeder oyster in the dense oyster farming areas of Hansan and Geoje Island.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.172-193
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• 2013

This study examines the production techniques and raw materials shown in the Korean dried-lacquer statues of Buddha through a careful observation of the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue from the late Goryeo Dynasty which is currently possessed by Okura Museum of Art in Tokyo. As a method of study, the X-ray data and the results from a field survey were combined to analyze the production techniques and the characteristics of raw materials. Based on this analysis, a hypothesis was established on the production process and verified through a reenactment of the actual production process. Then, the characteristics of the techniques applied to each process and the raw materials were recorded in detail. Specifically, the dried lacquer techniques and the raw materials were estimated based on the results of naked-eye observation in comparison with the literature, especially the records of "Xiu Shi Lu" written by Huang Cheng of the Ming Dynasty which is considered as 'the textbook of lacquer techniques.' The raw materials used in the production of the traditional Korean lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl were also referenced. As a result, it was found that the features of production techniques and the raw materials found in the Statue at Okura Museum of Art have many similarities with those of the Seated Dried-lacquer Statue of Lohan (Arhat) from Yuanfu 2 Nian Ming (1098) of the Song Dynasty which is currently at the Honolulu Museum of Art. In particular, the similarities include that the interior of the statue being vacant because the clay and the wood core were not replaced after being removed from the prototype, that the complete form was made in the clay forming stage to apply the lacquer with baste fiber fabric, that the clay and the wood core were removed through the bottom of the statue, and that the modeling stage was omitted and the final coat over the statue is very thin. Additionally, decorating with ornaments like Bobal and Youngrak made of plastic material was a technique widely popular in the Song Dynasty, suggesting that the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue in Okura Museum of Art was greatly affected by the production techniques of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Song Dynasty. There is no precise record on the origin and history of the Korean Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues and the number of existing works is also very limited. Even the records in "Xuanhe Fengshi Gaoli Tujing" that tells us about the origin of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Yuan Feng Period (1078~1085) do not indicate the time of transmission. It is also difficult to trace the clear route of transmission of production techniques through existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues. Fortunately, this study could at least reveal that the existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues of Korea, including the one at Okura Museum of Art, have applied the production techniques rather differently from those used in the production of Japanese Datsukatsu Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues that have been known as the standard rule in making dried-lacquer statues of Buddha for a long time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.4-15
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• 2012

Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.5-38
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• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.243-266
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• 2004

This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.71-80
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• 2019

Effects of environmental factors on phytoplankton succession and community structure were studied in Lake Chuncheon located in Bukhan River, South Korea. The data were sampled at three sites such as CC1 (lower side), CC2 (middle side), and CC3 (upper side of Lake Chuncheon) from 2014 to 2017. The annual average precipitation in Lake Chuncheon was 992 mm during the study period (2014~2017), and the annual precipitation was lower than 800 mm in 2014 and 2015. The annual average water temperature, total phosphorus (TP), and total nitrogen (TN) ranged from 17.0 to $21.1^{\circ}C$, 0.012 to $0.019mg\;L^{-1}$, and 1.272 to $1.922mg\;L^{-1}$, respectively. The TN concentration was relatively high in 2015 compared with the other study years, as a drought continued from 2014 to 2015. When comparing the correlation between precipitation and environmental factors, water temperature (p<0.01) and TP(p<0.05) showed positive correlations with rainfall. The average numbers of phytoplankton cells by branch were 2,094, 2,182, and $3,108cells\;mL^{-1}$ in CC1, CC2, and CC3, respectively. CC3 is considered advantageous for phytoplankton growth, even in small pollution sources due to low water depth. As a result of analyzing the relationship between precipitation and phytoplankton, the correlation between the two was shown to be high for 2016 (p<0.01) and 2017 (p<0.05), which is when precipitation was high. However, the correlation was not clear to 2014 and 2015. The relationship between water temperature and phytoplankton indicated a negative correlation with diatoms (p<0.01), yet positive correlations with green algae (p<0.01) and cyanobacteria (p<0.01). Diatoms increased in spring and autumn, which are characterized by low water temperature, and green algae and cyanobacteria increased in summer, when the water temperature is high. Our findings provide a scientific basis for characteristics of phytoplankton and water quality and management at the Lake Chuncheon.