• 대한가정학회지
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• 제44권1호
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• pp.131-138
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• 2006

The yanggwan is a striped headpiece for civil and military officials worn with jebok, a costume for the royal ancestral worship ceremony, or jobok, a ceremonial costume for the courtier. It was called a jegwan when it was worn with a jebok. The geumgwan and jegwan are of the same style but the geumgwan has a gilded band and backside and the jegwan is mostly lacquered. The yanggwan was worn first with the jebok by the officials, both of which were received from the Chinese Ming dynasty in the 19th year of the King Gongmin's reign during the Goryeo period. The royal crown and court clothing system was two grades lower than the standard clothing code of the Ming dynasty of China. In the Joseon dynasty, the oyanggwan worn by the highest grade officials had five-stripes but was later replaced during the Daehan Empire by the seven-striped chilyanggwan used by Ming dynasty officials. Oyanggwans make up the majority of the surviving examples of these headpieces, with the exception of the six-striped yukyanggwan of Chung In-hak (1839-1919), the Minister of Justice, which originated in the Daehan Empire and whose owner is definitively known. The gilt portion of this yukyanggwan is finely engraved in relief with a bird, flower and tendril motif. The yukyanggwan is topped by a decorative bird ornament, called a jeongkkot. EDSS spectrum analysis of the gold plating reveals a composition of 51.32% gold and 10.34% silver. The yanggwan is composed of bamboo, mulberry paper and silk crepe. The black portions are lacquered. The individual yang is made with twisted mulberry paper.

• 복식
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• 제14권
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• pp.63-73
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• 1990

The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제41권2호
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• pp.123-139
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• 2003

This study examines the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect through field study and various documents. The purpose of the study is to elucidate how their religious ideas are reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteritics and underlying meanings these costumes have, and I reached the following conclusions 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs in their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups turned out to have certain characteristics in common: they all reflected the times, Korean tradition, ancestor worship. 3. I looked at the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme to establish their structural characteristics, and it turned out that they an symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, for instance, had to do with Buddhism Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common type of costume consisted of traditional hanbok top, pant, robe, and some type of headpiece for men, and hanbok top and, skirt for women, and if women were to wear a robe, it usually meant the sect believed in sexual equality. There was also a tendency to simplify or minimize the dress code, which seems to indicate that the sect was trying to adapt itself to, the times. The most common type of the outer garment for men was a robe with narrow sleeves, straight lapel, and no slits, and a robe with wide sleeves, straight lapel, and slits for women. The color scheme of the costumes included blue, white, yellow, red, and black, reflecting the influence of the Yin-Yang and Five Elements idea and traditional preference for white of Koreans. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various element of traditional Korean outfit and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas. Many religions in and fall, and each has its own dress codes, and I hope this study provides a framework and data for other researchers and leaders of new religious groups that will emerge in the future.

• 복식
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• 제50권7호
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• pp.15-31
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• 2000

1. After the Chu Dynasty(周代), we can confirm the fish shape mark made of stones as the relics of the Chunkuk dynasty(戰國時代). In the Shu Dynasty(隋代), the system of bamboo and the rabbit shape mark made of silver into the fish shape mark. As it were, made of bamboo or siltier changed into the fish shape mark made of jade, gold, silver or wood. 2. In the Dang Dynasty(唐代), the used the fish shape credit mark made of jade, gold, silver, copper or textile, according to their classes. According to one's posit the man who wore purple, red coat, credit mark made a gold and silver. attached with putting them in fish bags. 3. In the Ryo Dynasty(遼代), there was also a system of attaching marks. The emperor was hanging the fish shape and the officials attached the double fish shape to the common dress. fish shape of jade. gold, amber, agate, silver or copper. without any fish bag. 4. The Song Dynasty(宋代) followed the system of the Dang Dynasty they used only the fish shape bags without marks in them. Hanging the fish shape bags made of gold and silver at the back side of the belt. 5. The Gin Dynasty(金代) carried out the system of made jade, gold or silver like the Dang, Song and Ryo Dynasty. In the Sejong Kingdom a system of paper card was carried out as the credit mark of the eighth and the ninth grade. 6. In the Ming Dynasty(明代), the military official general attached the golden, silver, ivory of jade, wood and copper cards with their positions and names. 7. Following the Dang Dynasty, Japan made of fish shape bags to their clothes. Colors of their fish shape marks were same as their clothes. They made the marks, such as crystal, cow's horn, lead and nickel and plated them with gold or silver. 8. In Korea, Pohai(발해) established the fish shape credit mark differed in material. gold, silver or copper according to their positions. We can confirm the Unified Silla(南國;統一新羅), carried out the system of attaching the fish shape in Chonma Chong(천마총), Golden Crown Chong(金冠塚), the King's 13-17 belt ring unearthed at the north part of Court South threat Chong(황남대총), the fish shape golden or silver, to their purple or red ceremonial coats. In the Koryo Dynasty(高麗), like the Dang, Song and Pohai, they attached the fish shape golden or silver marks, to their purple or red ceremonial coats.

• 복식
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• 제31권
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• pp.61-73
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• 1997

Kon-myuh was worn by the ancient Chinese and Korean rulers as ceremonial dress during special rituals such as worshipping heaven and ancestors marriage or funerals. kon-myun consists of two major parts-Myun and kon-bok (the main bodypiece) as well as other articles of clothing(skirt footgear etc), There were regulations set in ancient books describing in detail the make of the kon-myun number of ryu and symbol to be used all which applied to each ruler depending on rank and status. This study is aimed at examining the consistency of the korean and Chinese in following the regula-tions as seen in relics which have been recovered from the past. Based on historical findings it seems that Korean Kon-myun came to Korea from China during the Three Kingdoms period. It was also worn in the Koryo and Chosun Dynas-ties and the Taehan Empire. In studying Konmyun in Korea the researcher studied a book from the early Chosun dynasty, Kukjo-oryeuiseory and a book from the late Chosun Dynasty Kukjo-sangrye-bopyun to find the guidelines and rules applying to the Kon-myun tradition. Slight difference were found across time in the supplementary articles of clothing as seen in Uigwe Pokwan-doseols explanations and drawings of Kon-myun. The researcher used uigwes of funerals of kings of the Chosun Dynasty and observed change over this period of time. However there was a clear consist-ency: the king's Kon-myun consisted of 9ryu-myun 9chang-bok while that of the prince consisted of 8ryu-myun 7chang-bok. For the Taechan Empire the researcher used Tae-han Yae-jun which shows the emperor's kon-myun to have consisted of 12ryu-myun 12chang-bok. To study how the regulations were put into practice relics were uncovered from the periods being studied. A portrait of King Ik-Jong remnants from King Ko-jong's Kon-bok and a photograph of Emperor Sun-jong all were in close adherence to the regulations outlined in the books. In China Kon-myun was worn by emperors from the Han to the Ching Dynastices. The researcher investigated Kon-myun es-pecially in the Ming Dynasty. The Kon-myun regulations as read in Tai-ming-hui-chan changed through all four periods. To study the faithfulness of practice to low Ding-ling the tomb of Emperor Shin-jong who ruled during a period of the Ming Dynasty was unearthed and the remains of the Emperor's Kon-myun were analyzed. The Kon-myun consisted of 12ryu-myuh 18chang-bok and there were other differences I color symbols and wearing method when compared to the regulations. It can be concluded that the Chinese Kon-myun tradition was not in strict adher-ence to the regulations established by law books. This is in contrast to the Korean Kon-myun tradition which showed little devi-ation. Further study is needed to understand why there was this difference in tradition and ritual.

• 복식
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• 제14권
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• pp.99-117
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• 1990

The purpose of this study was to investigate the change of clothes in modem Korean women in terms of a socioeconomical background, the introduction to western clothes, and the improvement of clothes between the opening period of ports in the early 1900's and 1960's. In addition, the study investigated how western clothes became popular in a Korean society along with the traditional' Korean clothes, Hanbok. The radical social change since the opening of ports motivated the change in the way of Korean women's thinking, and consequenty the improvement of Hanbok which developed into the clothes-improvement-movement. It was not until 1905 that the improvement of clothes was hotly debated particularly in the matter of abolishing Jangeui and the extreme length of Jeogori and Chima. The Tongchima-Jeogori style which lengthened Jeogori and shortened Chima was widely accepted as everyday wear until the western clothes substituted them after the Independence from Japanese Conquest. As the length of Chima shortened, there occurred a change in Boson and Jipsin as well. There appeared shoes and Gomoosin in place of Jipsin, socks in stead of Boson and were popularized until after the Liberation in 1945. The popularity of Gomoosin diminished markedly with the diversification of shoes styles, due to the improvement of the standard of living with economic development in the 1960's. The traditional Hanbok was gradually differentiated according to the social status, for instance student, teachers, ordinary women, girls and Kisaeng. Especially since the white clothes caused much trouble in washing and sewing, there came into being the movement of wearing colorful clothes. The Movement of abolishing white clothes and promoting of wearing colorful clothes was enforced during the period of Japaness conquest from the 1920's to the Liberation, which consequently stimulated an interest for colors of clothes. The period under the war between 1937 and 1945 was especially noted for the extreme regulation over the clothes. The Japanese government forced each group of women, e.g., girl students, a young women's association, school teachers, and ordinary women and girls, to wear their own uniforms. Also, It recommended the use of Tongchima in stead of long skirts, and buttons in place of Coreum so as to conserve textile encouraging the use of other substitutes to save resources. The western clothes, a model of clothe's improvement was deemed as a symbol of modernization and enjoyed general popularity. The supply of relief clothes after the Korean war accelerated the expansion of western clothes even further and the trend of westernization along with economic progress in the 1960's resulted in wearing of western clothes as everyday dress. The expansion of western clothes as casual wear rapidly diminished wearing of Hanbok which in turn took the position of ceremonial dress worn in special cases only. Hence the Korean women's clothes were dualized into traditional Hanbok and western clothes and the western clothes that stems on its convenience was settled as everyday wear where as the Hanbok appeared as ceremonial dress stressing on ornamental features. As mentioned aboved, we are able to discovered an orientation in the course of transitional process of modern Korean women's clothes admist diversified changes, which is a consistent pursuit of convenience and practicality based upon progmatism. The trend such as this carne into a finale' as women's dress became dualistic in forms of Hanbok and western clothes, and the change since then is supposed to proceed in two forms of dress featuring its own style.

• 복식
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• 제63권2호
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• pp.29-44
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• 2013

This study is about the periodic characteristics of Wonsam in the Joseon Dynasty. Wonsam include the Danryeong-shaped Wonsam in the beginning, the compound Wonsam in a period of transition and the stereotyped Wonsam in the late Joseon Dynasty. The formative characteristics of Wonsam are divided into four stages. The first stage of the Wonsam is from the 15th to 16th century. The shape of Wonsam began to form and it was similar to one of Danryeong during this time. The formative characteristics of the first Wonsam included collars that looked like one of Danryeong, side pleats(called Moo) with multiple inner folds, straight cylinder-shaped sleeves, and a belt tied with the Wonsam. There were various fabrics that were used for the Wonsam from this stage. Second stage of the Wonsam is from the early 17th to mid 17th century. This period marked the beginning of the transition of the Wonsam and it served as a stepping-stone to the development stage in the Joseon Dynasty. The characteristics of the transitional Wonsam were a complex combination of the Danryeong and Wonsam. During this period, the Wonsam went through many changes and forms in a short period of time. Third stage of the Wonsam is from the mid 17th to early 19th century. The Wonsam was developed at this stage. The developed Wonsam went through a period of transition equipped with a stable form. The formative characteristics of Wonsam during this period included collars that faced each other, big and wide sleeves with multicolored stripes, Hansam, curve-edged side seam and the side pleats(Moo) with multiple inner folds had disappeared. It was a turning point from the single-layered clothes to double layered clothes and from dark blue to green color appeared at this time. The fabric patterns of this stage tended to consist of more simplified silk pattern. The fourth stage of the Wonsam is from the late 19th to 20th century. The Wonsam was expanded at this stage. The formative characteristics and fabrics were typically used for the standard Wonsam and were divided into two types; as a ceremonial robe used in courts and a wedding ceremonial robe for the common people. Phenomena such as sewing of double-layered clothes as one and straight-edged side seam during the late Joseon period developed into simpler and more practical fashion culture.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.61-72
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• 2001

Chunghahk-dong is located in a retired spot, Jiri Mountain and has been built up its won religion and culture without any exchange outside world. People in Chunghahk-dong believe in a religion called Genjungyutaosim. Forming a trinity on which mind is Taoism, body is Buddhism, and behavior is confucianism. These are the principle elements to form a village. They made their own unique cultural factor such as longhaired boys and girls, wearing traditional cloths and hat, a monastic life, folk mores and family rituals, and private school system. This shows a great deal of affection on their life style and organization and is closely connected with community and culture. Grasping a culture and behavior on clothing, it has propose to understand Chunghahk-dong properly according to this study. A method of study has a purpose to understand culture and clothing behavior precisely in Chunghahk-dong. I inquire ito clothing behavior with investigation and study of picture script. The results are as followed; People in Chunghahk-dong show unique clothing and hair style behavior based on Genjungyutao. First, men and women wear a white cloth called HanBok(Korean costume) and footwear made of rubber. Only men wear a blue vest. A grown up men wear a long coat when they go out. They are dressed in tractional cloth for a ceremonial occasion. The reason why they put on the HanBok(Korean costume) is a belief on our traditional cloth becomes a standard dress in the future. They believe Korea becomes a standard dress in the future. They believe Korea becomes a standard dress in the future. They believe Korea become a leading country in the world. This clothing behavior is symbol of Genjungyutao and has a role of delivery system for expressing their split. Second, In sign of being a Genjungyutao men, they let their grow hair. Cutting hair is not to be a Genjungyutao men any more. There is few reason that people in Chunghahk-dong let grow their hair : First, because of importance in TanGun's ideology, they believe Korea is a first nation in the world and can't cut their hair which has grown from TanGun (The founding father of the Koran nation) Chosun traditionally. Second, Cutting their hair runs counter to the principle of nature. Third, They value their body for confucianism. They don't want to damage their body because of body from their parents. Boys and girls braid and tie up their hair and adult tie a topknot and a chignon. Wearing a YouGun(A horsehair skullcap) at home and Kat(A Korean top hat) when going out, they express as a Genjungyutao. Hemp cloth and synthetic fibers are main clothes. Also, they wear an improved HanBok(Korean costume) these days on influence outside.

• 복식
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• 제65권1호
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• pp.30-45
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• 2015

This study summarizes the dissemination aspects of liturgical vestments in Korea, and organizes the value and meanings of these disseminations as it appeared in the history of costumes by carrying out an empirical analysis on the relics of liturgical vestments since the modern times. It also examines its design characteristics as well. Liturgical vestments have symbolic meaning for the purpose and solar term of ceremonial occasions and it also functions as a way to differentiate the position and duty of the clergy. Liturgical vestments developed on the basis of ancient Greek-Roman costumes and transformed each situation and social trend of the age. Korean liturgical vestments started with their traditional costumes, in 1887, it were changed into French(western) style with freedom of religious. After the secondary Vatican Council held in 1962, various regulations were changed to spread the Catholic doctrines and ideology. This study conducted an empirical analysis and design consideration on the 28 relics of modern liturgical vestments on the basis of the foregoing standard and concept. As a result of analysis, relics were investigated as research materials worn by Bishops after 1960s. And design elements are that the relics used materials and ornament of Hanbok with flower patterns and decoration such as letter patterns including 壽(life) 福(luck) 喜(pleasure) as well as Chrysanthemum and Mancaowen design. These transition reflected by amend regulation of Vatican Council II. Accordingly, this data has been confirmed to be important for the history of costumes as it informs what process of changes liturgical vestments spread in Korea went through before they are worn as current appearance.

• 복식
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• 제61권5호
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• pp.123-138
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• 2011

This study examined how Chipogwan[緇布冠] with such a long history has been changed in China and Korea. With regard to the name, material, use and form of Chipogwan, the results of this study is summarized as follows. Chipogwan was mentioned continuously in ancient books of ceremonies and literature from the Tang dynasty [唐代], but from the Song dynasty [宋代] new name Chigwan [緇冠: a black hat] appeared besides Chipogwan. The two names were transmitted to Joseon dynasty [朝鮮] and used together until the mid Joseon dynasty, but from the 18th-19th centuries, Chipogwan was adopted according to ancient ceremonies and this name has been used continuously until today. The change of the name reflects the change of the material. Ancient Chipogwan was made of hemp [布] but when the term Chigwan appeared in the Song dynasty it was made of paper and Sa [紗: a 2-end simple gauze]. As other materials were added to hemp, po (布) was omitted from Chipogwan. As to the use of Chipogwan, it was a coronet used in purification ceremonies [齋冠] in ancient times. Then, it was used as Chogagwan [初加冠: a first hat putting on] in coming-of-age ceremonies [冠禮] from Zhou dynasty (周). During the Song and Joseon dynasty, Chipogwan was used in coming-of-age ceremonies as well as in daily life. As to the form, Chipogwan in ancient books of rites and the Song dynasty was a small coronet covering the topknot. In the Joseon dynasty, the form of Song dynasty was followed until the mid period, and then after the mid $18^{th}$ century, another form was proposed according ancient books of rites and an independent form of ceremonial coronet appeared that covered the entire head rather than covering only the topknot.