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Urban Parks in Seoul as Place Representation - Focusing on Monumentality, Symbolism & Place Memory - (서울시 도시공원의 장소적 재현 - 기념성, 상징성, 장소기억을 중심으로 -)

  • Han, So-Young;Zoh, Kyung-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.2
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    • pp.37-52
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    • 2010
  • The main purpose of this study is to examine how place representation is related to the formation of urban parks in Seoul, which began at the end of the 19th century. In order to grasp place representation, the hypothesis of this study is that most urban parks are undertaken with the idea of monumentality and symbolism or memories of the place itself. Diverse ways of representation through physical or non-physical aspects of symbolism, monumentality, and place memory are summarized as follows. First, in the case of the physical aspects of representation in the parks, monumentality and symbolism are expressed mostly through monuments or statues. In the case that the intention of the park is commemorative, celebrative elements are more actively utilized. In other cases, symbolic sculptures or statues, which are randomly designated by the government, are so often used regardless of the overarching concept of the urban park. In addition, in the case of place memory, monumentality or symbolism are commonly represented through bronze statues or partial remnants of the past. Recently, however, the site in itself has been constructed to coordinate the memories of a certain place into the configuration of the park. Secondly, in relation to the non-physical representation elements, many urban parks tend to reveal monumentality or symbolism through the names they are given. Recently, this tendency has significantly dropped, but some places of parksare frequently denominated in consideration of place memory. In the case of events held in parks, parks which were constructed in the beginning of the park movement, such as Tapgol Park, hold certain events to commemorate certain causes that took place in those days. On the other hand, the main purpose of recently-constructed urban parks relating to place memory is to encourage citizens to participate in events in a variety of ways.

"A Study on Hebrews Clothing in the Old Testament" - Especially on Hair Styles, Headgears, Footwear and Personal Ornaments - (구약성서(舊約聖書)에 나타난 히브리인의 복식(服飾) - 두식(頭飾), 신발 및 장신구(裝身具) 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Park, Chan-Boo
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.10
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    • pp.63-80
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    • 1986
  • The Old Testament cotains mention of the history of creation and clothing in ancient Hebrew. This study dealt with Hebrew dress customs especially aimed at the manners of their hair styles, headgears, footwear and personal ornaments. References are Korean Revised Version, English King James Version and Revised Standard Version. There is little mention of hair styles and headgears in the Old Testament. Some sort of turban was worn by priests, and soldiers protected themselves with helmets, but most Israelitish men went bareheaded except on special occasions and often wear simple headbands. It was more common for women to use headwear of some type-turbans, scarves, and veils concealing the face. The veil was the distinctive female wearing apparel. All females, with the exception of maidservants and women in a low condition of life, wore a veil. It was the custom for women to wear a veil entirely covering their head in the public. Through most of the Old Testament periods long and thick hair was admired on men and women alike. The Hebrews were proud to have thick and abundant long hair, and they gave much attention to the care of their hair. The caring of hair was deeply related to their rituals. Nazirites never took a razor to their hair during his vow-days, but instead let it grow long, as an offering to God. Men would not cut their beards, but allow them to grow long. The Israelites' standard footwear was a pair of simple leather sandals. This was one of the items of clothing not highly prized. In a colloquial saying of the time, a pair of shoes signified something of small value, and to be barefoot except in times of mourning or on holy place, was a sign either of extreme poverty or humiliation, as in the case of war prisoners. Because precious stones were not mined in the Palestine-Syria region, Hebrews imported them from foreign country. They were consumer-to a large degree limited by their very modest standard of living-but not producers. Hebrews liked the precious stones and were motivated to acquire and wear jewels. Besides their use for adornment and as gifts, the precious or semiprecious stones were regarded by Jews of property. The Hebrews were not innovators in the field of decorative arts. The prohibition of the Law against making any "graven image" precluded the development of painting, sculpture, and other forms of representational art. Jewish men did not indulge in extravagances of dress, and there was little ornamentation among them. Men wore a signet ring on their right hand or sometimes suspended by a cord or chain around the neck. The necklaces, when worn by a male, also bore any symbol of his authority. Bracelets were extremely popular with both men and women, men usually preferring to wear them on their upper arms. The girdle was a very useful part of a man's clothing. It was used as a waist belt, or used to fasten a man's sword to his body, or served as a pouch in which to keep money and other things. Men often carried a cane or staff, which would be ornamented at the top. Among the women there was more apt to be ornamentation than among the men. Hebrew women liked to deck themselves with jewels, and ornamentation of the bride were specially luxurious and numerous. They wore rings on their fingers or On toes, ankle rings, earrings, nosering, necklace, bracelets. Their shapes were of cresent, waterdrops, scarab, insect, animal or plant. Sometimes those were used as amulets. They were made of ceramics, gold, silver, bronze, iron, and various precious stones which were mostly imported from Egypt and Sinai peninsular. Hebrews were given many religious regulations by Moses Law on their hair, headgears, sandals and ornamentation. Their clothing were deeply related with their customs especially with their religions and rituals. Hebrew religion was of monotheism and of revealed religion. Their religious leaders, the prophets who was inspired by God might need such many religious regulations to lead the idol oriented people to God through them.

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A Study on the Restoration of the Wangheungsa Temple's Wooden Pagoda (왕흥사 목탑의 복원 연구)

  • Kim, Kyeong-Pyo;Sung, Sang-Mo
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.19 no.3
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    • pp.7-29
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    • 2010
  • The form of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is that of the traditional form of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. Likewise, it is an important ruin for conducting research on the form and type of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. In particular, the method used for the installation of the central pillar's cornerstone is a new technique. The purpose of this research is to restore the ruin of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period that remains at the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site. Until now, research conducted on the wooden pagoda took place mostly centered on the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Meanwhile, the reality concerning Baekjae's wooden pagoda is one in which there were not many parallel cases pertain to the design for restoration. This research paper wants to conduct academic examination of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda to organize the intention of design and design process in a simple manner. This research included review of the Baekjae Period's wooden pagoda related ruins and the review of the existing wooden pagoda ruin to analyze the wooden pagoda construction technique of the era. Then, current status of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is identified to define the characteristics of the wooden pagoda, and to set up the layout format and the measure to estimate the size of the wooden pagoda in order to design each part. Ultimately, techniques and formats used for the restoration of the wooden pagoda were aligned with the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period. Basically, conditions that can be traced from the current status of the Wangheungsa Temple site excavation using the primary standards as the standard. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was designed into the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae's prosperity phase. The plane was formed into $3{\times}3$ compartments to design into three tier pagoda. The height was decided by factoring in the distance between the East-West corridors, size of the compartment in the middle, and the view that is visible from above the terrace when entering into the waterway. Basically, the origin of the wooden structure format is based on the Goguryeo style, but also the linkage with China's southern regional styles and Japan's ancient wooden pagoda methods was factored in. As for the format of the central pillar, it looks as if the column that was erected after digging the ground was used when setting up the columns in the beginning. During the actual construction work of the wooden pagoda, central pillar looks as if it was erected by setting up the cornerstone on the ground. The reason that the reclaimed part of pillar that use the underground central cornerstone as the support was not utilized, was because the Eccentric Load of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in the state of the layers of soil piled up one layer at a time that is repeated with the yellow clay and sandy clay and the yellow clay that were formed separately with the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle at the upper part of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in as well. Thus, it was presumed that the central pillar was erected in the actual design using the ground style format. It is possible to presume the cases in which the reclaimed part of pillar were used when constructed for the first time, but in which central pillar was installed later on, after the supplementary materials of the underground column is corroded. In this case, however, technique in which soil is piled up one layer at a time to lay down the foundation of a building structure cannot be the method used in that period, and the reclamation cannot fill up using the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle. Thus, it was presumed that the layers of soil for building structure's foundation was solidified properly on top of the central pillar's cornerstone when the first wooden pagoda construction work was taking place, and that the ground style central pillar was erected on its upper part by placing the cornerstone once again. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda is significant from the structure development aspect of the Korean wooden pagodas along with the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda construction technique which was developed during the prosperity phase of the Baekjae Period is presumed to have served as a role model for the construction of the Iksan Mireuksa Temple's wooden pagoda and Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. With the plan to complement the work further by excavating more, the basic wooden pagoda model was set up for this research. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was constructed as at the Baekjae Kingdom wide initiative, and it was the starting point for the construction of superb pagoda using state of the art construction techniques of the era during the Baekjae's prosperous years, amidst the utmost interest of all the Baekjae populace. Starting out from its inherent nature of enshrining Sakyamuni's ashes, it served as the model that represented the unity of all the Baekjae populace and the spirit of the Baekjae people. It interpreted these in the most mature manner on the Korean peninsula at the time.

Features and Component Analysis of the GeumguJagi(金釦瓷器) Excavated from Seongneung(石陵) (석릉(碩陵) 출토 금구자기(金釦瓷器)의 특징과 성분 분석)

  • Sung, Kiyeol
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.1
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    • pp.150-167
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this paper is to share the status and introduce a scientific analysis of the GeumguJagi (gilt-silver overlay porcelain, 金釦瓷器) excavated from Seongneung (石陵). This analysis aimed to highlight the GeumguJagi excavated from the Royal Tombs of Goryeo with a clear lower year (1237) and to aid research into the GeumguJagi. In 2001, the National Institute of Cultural Heritage excavated and investigated Seongneung in Heejong (熙宗). Various artifacts such as celadon, gold, bronze, and iron products were collected from the chambers inside of the tomb. There were a total of 160 celadon items including bowls, dishes, glasses, and saucers. Of those, there were 58 celadon items (including fragments) with metal frames on the openings. These consisted of bowls, plates, lids, and saucers. Until recently, in various exhibitions and papers, only one GeumguJagi was known to have been excavated from Seongneung, which was a . However, the survey identified a number of further GeumguJagis. It had been understood from inherited and excavated products that the materials used for ornaments were restricted to high-quality celadon. However, this study confirmed that the excavation of Seongneung demonstrated the use of various other materials for different models and qualities of GeumguJagis. It can be said that it is characteristic that various models and quality are confirmed together through the excavation of Seongneung. A scientific analysis was carried out that selected 12 of 58 products excavated from Seongneung. Results showed that the main component used for Geumgu ornaments was tin (Sn), and trace amounts of copper (Cu) and lead (Pb) were also commonly identified. When analyzing the material used to affix the metal fittings, this was found to be glue (膠) made from animal skins, muscle, and bones. This pattern matches that of the GeumguJagi excavated from Paju Hyeeumwonji, and the reason for this could be assumed on the basis of the contents of the 『Cheongonggaemul (天工開物)』 written by Song Ongsung (宋應星) during the Ming Dynasty. At that time, metals such as tin and copper would have been difficult to obtain. 『Xuānhwafengshi Gaolitujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經)』 shows that the use of metal was limited to certain classes; thus, the use of the GeumguJagi seems to have been centered around the royal family.

Characterization of Toxicity Symptoms of Molybden and Determination of Tissue Threshold Levels for Diagnostic Criteria in Korean Bred Strawberries (국내육성 주요 딸기 품종에서 발생하는 Mo 과잉 증상 및 영양진단을 위한 식물체 내 한계농도)

  • Choi, Jong-Myung;Nam, Min-Ho;Lee, Chi-Won W.;Chun, Jong-Pil
    • Horticultural Science & Technology
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    • v.30 no.4
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    • pp.392-399
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    • 2012
  • This study was carried out to investigate the influence of molybden (Mo) concentrations in fertilizer solution on the growth of and nutrient uptake by domestically bred strawberries. Tissue analysis based on the dry weight was also conducted to determine the threshold levels in plants when Mo toxicity developed in strawberries. The leaf chlorophyll contents decreased lineally as Mo concentrations in the fertilizer solution were elevated. The differences among treatments in chlorophyll contents were statistically significant. The fresh and dry weights decreased significantly when the Mo concentrations in fertilizer solution were higher than 3.0 mM in 'Keumhyang' and 'Maehyang' strawberries and 1.0 mM in 'Seolhyang' strawberry. The elevation of Mo concentrations in fertilizer solution resulted in severe toxicity and crops developed the unique symptoms. The margin of older leaves became yellow and desiccated. Then, the margin of leaf blade rapidly became bronze colored and died as the symptoms spread up the plants. The interveinal area of the young leaves became yellowing. The elevation of Mo concentrations in fertilizer solution did not influence the tissue P, K, and Mg contents based on the dry weight. The tissue Ca contents were higher in 1.0 mM treatment than other treatments of 'Keumhyang' and 'Seolhyang' strawberries. The tissue Mo contents based on the dry weight of 'Keumhyang', 'Maehyang', and 'Seolyahng' strawberries were 76.5, 104.0, and 187.3 $mg{\cdot}kg^{-1}$, respectively, in the 0.25 mM treatments and 4,155, 5,367, and 2,190 $mg{\cdot}kg^{-1}$, respectively, in the 4.0 mM treatments. The contents increased lineally as Mo concentrations in fertilizer solution were elevated. When the concentration of Mo at which growth of crops were retarded by 10% is regarded as threshold level, the Mo contents based on dry weight of above ground plant tissue should be lower than 653.4, 686.2, and 589.7 $mg{\cdot}kg^{-1}$, in 'Keumhyang', 'Maehyang', and 'Seolyahng' strawberries, respectively.

Outdoor Landscape Design Proposal for a Resort using the Baekje Traditional Garden as a Theme (백제정원을 주제로 한 리조트 외부 공간 계획)

  • Kim, Yun-Geum;Kim, Hai-Gyoung;Kim, Young-Mo;Chin, Yang-Kyo
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.39 no.2
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    • pp.1-9
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    • 2011
  • This study concerns the Baekje Traditional Garden, one of the open spaces in the Lotte Resort in the Baekje Historical Reappearance Complex, which is part of the comprehensive plan for specific areas in the Baekje cultural area. The Baekje Traditional Garden has historic value, and its excellent garden style influenced the ancient Japanese gardens. This study dealt with three issues: (1) The context in which Lotte Buyeo Resort accepted the Baekje Traditional Garden, particularly the background and process of such; (2) The original form of the Baekje Traditional Garden; and (3) How the Baekje Traditional Garden should be represented in the open space of the resort. Representation is accomplished in two ways: using the structure of the original garden and in the borrowing of elements. For representation using the structure of the original garden, Imrugak was used as the main entrance space, and Wolsunjung was represented from the Ganbuklee remains. In the rear garden are wave watercourses and other garden facilities of the Wanggungri site in Iksan. Borrowing of elements, on the other hand, was accomplished in the plant plan and detailed development. In addition, mountaintops (three mountains and five mountain summits), a clean stream between mountains, and a pine forest are visualized in the garden. This is the representative landscape of the Taoist hermit world that appeared in the Baekje Gilt Bronze Incense Burner and Landscape pattern. The significance of this study is twofold. First, the Baekje Traditional Garden is a fresh trail because there has been no previous research concerning it. Second, while past research concerning traditional spaces focused on the results of representation, this study focused on the process of representation. This means that this research work tried to extend the study concerning the representation of traditional spaces from the conceptual to the practical approach. This study, however, also has its limitations. The authenticity of the representation suggested in this study may be questioned later because efforts have been made to preserve the original Baekje Traditional Garden. In addition, this study should seek a balance between authenticity on one hand and amusement and diversity of experience on the other, because the site is a resort.

Effects of Vase Materials and Floral Preservative on Flower Color and Diameter in Cut Rose and Gerbera (화병 재료와 절화보존제 처리가 절화 장미와 거베라의 화색, 엽색 화경에 미치는 영향)

  • Lim, Young-Hee
    • Journal of agriculture & life science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.59-66
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    • 2011
  • This study was conducted to investigate the effect of vase material and floral preservative treatment over time on flower color, leaf color and flower size of cut flowers Rosa hybrida 'Aqua' and 'Corvernet', and Gerbera jamesonii 'Honeymoon' and 'Golden Time' stuck in a glass, porcelain, or onggi (pottery with a dark bronze glaze) vase containing either tap water or a floral preservative solution. The ${\Delta}E$ values in flower color of 'Aqua' rose at 8 days after treatment with a floral preservative in onggi and porcelain vases were low. The ${\Delta}E$ value of 'Covernet' rose treated with floral preservative in an onggi vase was the lowest and L value was the closest to that of petals of cut flowers at just before treatment (control). The ${\Delta}E$ value of 'Honeymoon' gerbera treated with a floral preservative in an onggi vase was the lowest and a value of 58.81 and b value of 34.29 were the closest to that of the control group as color of cut flowers in an onggi vase was similar to the color at the beginning of treatment. The ${\Delta}E$ value of 'Golden Time' gerbera treated in an onggi vase was significantly lower than that in a porcelain or glass vase and a value of -7.81 treated with a floral preservative solution in an onggi vase was the closest to the control and b value was high in an onggi vase as well. The L, a, and b values in leaf color of roses were similar to each value of the control and ${\Delta}E$ value of 3.25 measured in an onggi vase was lower than that in a porcelain or glass vase. Flower diameter of 'Covernet' and 'Golden Time' roses treated with a floral preservative in an onggi vase was greater than that in other treatments. From these results, the floral preservative applied to a holding solution is assumed to improve the quality and freshness of cut roses and gerberas by inhibiting microbes propagation and by promoting uptake of water and nutrients. The onggi vase with fine pores will promote the expression and maintenance of flower and leaf colors and may increase flower diameter by high air permeability.

A Study on the Special Technician Byeolganyeok(別看役) and the Statues of Auspicious Animals(Seosusang, 瑞獸像) : the Scale-covered animal form(鱗獸形) in Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) (경복궁 인수형(鱗獸形) 서수상(瑞獸像)의 제작시기와 별간역(別看役) 연구)

  • Kim, Min-Kyu
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.66-81
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    • 2014
  • Burnt down during the Imjin War(壬辰倭亂) of 1592, Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) remained in ruins until 1865, when in the second year of King Gojong's(高宗) reign, reconstruction work began. At the time, a royal protocol(uigwe, 儀軌) for the reconstruction was not produced. Instead, the Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary(Gyeongbokgung yeonggeon ilgi, 景福宮營建日記) records the reconstruction process from June to September of 1865. The contents of this diary reveal that the stone used in the construction was obtained from Ganghwa(江華), the Yeongpung field(映楓亭) just beyond Dongdaemun, and Samcheongdong(三淸洞), among other sites. In addition, selected stone remaining from the original Gyeongbokgung Palace site - such as that from the palace astronomical observatory(ganuidae, 簡儀臺) - as reused, while a number of buildings and stonework from Gyeonghuigung Palace(慶熙宮) were moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace. As a result, a number of $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century stonework are currently located at Gyeongbokgung Palace. The Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary contains a record indicating that the bronze dragon(靑銅龍) excavated from the lotus pond at the palace's Gyeonghoeru Pavilion(慶會樓) was created by special technician byeolganyeok(別看役) Kim Jae-su(金在洙) in 1865 for the symbolic purpose of protecting the palace from fire. The diary also reveals that among Kim Jae-su and the other special technicians(byeolganyeok) tasked with the installation and oversight of the palace stonework was Lee Se-ok(李世玉) - aid to have created the haechi statue at Gwanghwamun Gate. This indicates that there were men of court painter(hwawon, 畵員) background among the construction special technicians(byeolganyeok). Moreover, the diary records the names of the stoneworkers(seokjang, 石匠) who worked under these special technicians to actually carve the stonework. These included Jang Seong-bok(張聖福), who participated in the creation of the Geunjeongjeon Hall(勤政殿); and Kim Jin-myeong(金振明), who took part in the construction of Gwanghwamun Gate(光化門). Based on these results, it is possible to identify a number of special iconographic features of the scale-covered animal form(insuhyeong, 鱗獸形) auspicious animal statues at Gyeongbokgung Palace. These include a protruding mouth and large nose, formalized ears, and a mane along the back. Comparing these iconographic features with those found in the stonework of Joseon tombs makes it clear that these palace statues were created in the latter half of the $19^{th}$ century - the period corresponding to Gojong's palace reconstruction. This study was able to confirm that this iconography was taken up by the Gyeongbokgung Palace construction special technicians(byeolganyeok) and stoneworkers(seokjang) as they worked on tomb stonework earlier in their careers.

The Development and Originality of Wind Chimes of the Goryeo Dynasty (고려시대 풍탁(風鐸)의 전개와 독창성)

  • Lee, Young-sun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.292-307
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    • 2019
  • Buddhists have always tended to adorn and embellish Buddhist statues and their surrounding spaces in order to exhibit the grandeur and sublime nature of the Buddha. The various kinds of splendid instruments and implements used in such ornamentation are collectively called jangeomgu in Korean. Thus, the term jangeomgu encompasses articles used to decorate Buddhist statues, halos, and baldachin, as well as Buddhist banners and wind chimes, which are generally hung outside a building. Wind chimes are still widely used at Buddhist temples. In China, judging from various structures such as the Wooden Stupa of Yongningsi in Luoyang and the Dunhuang Caves, wind chimes began to be used around the sixth century. As for Korea, Buddhism was first introduced from China during the Three Kingdoms Period, and Koreans accordingly began to build Buddhist temples and buildings. It would appear that wind chimes came to be used around the time that the first temples were built. The oldest extant wind chime in Korea is the gilt-bronze wind chime of Baekje, discovered at the Mireuksa Temple Site in Iksan. In general, Korean wind chimes dating from the Three Kingdoms Period are classified into two general types according to their shape and elevation, i.e., those shaped like a Buddhist bell and those shaped like a trapezoid. As these two forms of wind chimes have influenced each other over time, those made during the Goryeo dynasty, having inherited the style, structure, and design of the preceding period, display such features. At the same time, the artisans who produced wind chimes pursued technical development and adopted free, yet not extravagant, designs. In particular, Goryeo wind chimes are characterized by original designs created through exchanges with other Buddhist art forms of the same period, such as the embossed lotus design band of Goryeo bells; the bullmun design, which served to display the grandeur of the royal family; the samhwanmun design, which consisted of decorating the interior of a Goryeo incense burner with three holes; Sanskrit designs; and designs inspired by the windows and doors of stone pagodas. In this way, the production of Goryeo wind chimes developed with a focus on purpose while being free of formal constraints. This study started out from the fact that the largest number of Korean wind chimes were produced during the Goryeo dynasty. Therefore, research on wind chimes should be based on those of the Goryeo dynasty, especially since fewer relevant studies have been conducted compared to studies on other forms of Buddhist art. For the purposes of this study, the reasons for the production of wind chimes will be examined first, followed by an examination of the various styles of Korean wind chimes. Then, based on the findings of this investigation, the development and characteristics of the wind chimes produced during the Goryeo dynasty will be explored for each period.

A Comparative Study of the House Spirit Belief between the Tungus and Korea (한민족과 퉁구스민족의 가신신앙 비교 연구)

  • Kim, In
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.243-266
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    • 2004
  • This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.