• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.33 no.6
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• pp.115-136
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• 1995

The exploratory purpose of this study was to investigate the Honsu trend and to examine the relationships between the Honsu, marriage exchange resources and marital satisfaction from general group and also explore the differences in Honsu expenditure between the general group and the aimed group. the explanatory purpose of this study was to prove the social meaning of the Honsu as a 'productive exchange resources' using Emerson's exchange network theory. The data was collected from 800 men and women of general group and 72 men and women of aimed group within 5 years of marital duration through the questionnaire method. Major findings of the study from the general group were as follows : in general group 1. The bridegroom group expended more Honsu than bride group. Bridegroom's primary expenditure item was house expenditure, and bride's primary one was newlywed life goods. 2. The bridegroom's Honsu were influenced positively by parents'SES, bridegroom & bride's education level and bride's parents'SES. Bride's Honsu were influenced positively by parents' SES and bridegroom & bride's education level. 3. Bridegroom's marital satisfaction were influenced positively by bride's marriage need, bridegroom's marriage need, bride's physical attraction and bridegroom & bride's education level. Bride's marital satisfaction were influenced positively by bride's marriage need, bridegroom's physical attraction, bridegroom & bride's education level, bridegroom's marriage need, bridegroom's future possibilities and bridegroom's Honsu. 4. The social meaning of the Honsu was a 'productive exchange resource'. 1. The bridegrooms of aimed group expended more housing expenditure and also Honsu than the brides but there's no statistically significant differences in Honsu expenditure between the bridegrooms and the brides of aimed group. 2. The bridegrooms of aimed group expended about 3 times more money for wedding present for spouse and abut 1.2 times more for Honsu than the bridegrooms of general group. The bride of aimed group expended about 4.6 times more money for general group. the bride of aimed group expended abut 4.6 times more money about 4 times more for housing expenditure and about 3 times more for total Honsu than the brides of general group.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.69-87
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• 2002

The Eastern Slavic. the mongolian and the Korean wedding ceremony proceed through those three stages :pre-wedding, and after-wedding. (n the pre-wedding stage, the marriage is arranged when the parents make a decision on a matchmaking proposal. In the main wedding, the bridegroom visits the bride, and the bride walks through the many different procedures, which represent the life and the responsibilities of married women. Expecially, the wedding ceremony is finished and culminated by making hairstyle and wearing of headgear for married woman to the bride. The wedding costume of the Eastern Slav, the Mongolian, and the Korean has been developed with their different characters of styling. The traditional costumes of the each native are worn with the addition of a splendid decorative expression. The Eastern Slavic bride wears Lubaha and Sarapan or a skirt and bridegroom's wedding costume consist with Lubaha and Shitany(trousers). The Mongolian bride wears Deel and Ozh(Ooj) the vest and bridegroom wears Deel and Hantaaz. The Eastern slavic, the mongolian and the Korean bride wears various and gorgous headgears which have reflected cultural values: their traditional views of a wedding ceremony, expected change of social roles for married people. The wedding ceremony of these 3 natives had been performed by the symbolic meaning of the union of the bride to the bridegroom's family.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.1220-1225
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• 1999

Differences in carotenoid composition in the integument of Korean bittering, Cheilognathus signifer and bride bittering, Rhodeus ukekii which are Korean native fresh water fish were compared. Total ca rotenoid contents in the integument of wild Korean bittering was 2.11mg% and composed of 42.6% zeaxanthin, 12.1% diatoxanthin and 12.1% lutein epoxide which are predominant carotenoids and 10.3% cynthiaxanthin, 8.3% zeaxanthin epoxide, 6.4% lutein and 1.5% cryptoxanthin which are minor carotenoids. Total ca rotenoid contents in the integument of wild bride bittering was 4.99mg% during a spawning period but after the spawning period it was decreased to 4.17mg% and carotenoid composition of bride bittering during the spawning period was 46.7% zeaxanthin, 26.5% diatoxanthin and 12.3% lutein which are predominant carotenoids, and 6.2% zeaxanthin epoxide, 3.1% cynthiaxanthin, 2.9% cryptoxanthin and 0.7% canthax anthin which are minor carotenoids. These results indicated that the carotenoid composition of bride bittering during spawning period was very similar to that of Korean bittering and carotenoid composition of bride bittering after the spawning period was 30.5% diatoxanthin, 21.5% cynthiaxanthin and 16.8% zeaxanthin which are predominant carotenoids and 14.0% cryptoxanthin, 11.3% lutein and 3.4% can thaxanthin which are minor carotenoids, indicating that after the spawning period, the content of zeaxanthin was decreased while that of cryptoxanthin and cynthiaxanthin was increased as compared to that of the spawning period. Total carotenoid contents in Korean bittering and bride bittering was relatively higher than that in other species of cyprinidae whereas composition of the carotenoid was similar.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.287-299
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• 1990

To analyse the royal marriage of Yi-Dynasty, the authors studied 'Kuk Hon Geong Rea', which is a historical record, published in 1749(King Yong-Jo), on the usage of marriage articles in the royal family. The essential steps or articles described in the record were as follows, Royal marriage of King : Wedding presents, black and red silks from the bridegroom's to bride's, proclamation of Queen and wedding ceremony(納采) (納徵) (冊妃) (親迎 尊雁 同牢). Royal marriage of Crown Prince : Wedding presents, black and red silks from the bridegroom's to bride's. proclamation of Crown Princess, wedding ceremony, and bride's gifts to her parents-in-law(納采) (納徵) (冊嬪) (親迎 尊雁 同牢) (朝見體). Royal marriage of Crown Princess : Wedding presents, black and red silks from the bridegroom's to bride's, wedding ceremony, bride's gifts to her parents-in-law(納采) (納徵) (尊雁 同牢) (見舅姑禮). Necessary articles for weddings were different according to royal status of the member in the royal family.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.131-172
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• 2018

It is noted that nowadays, the bride wealth custom takes an extremely distorted form in African society. Such a phenomenon is a result that the male-dominant culture, Western religions, and capitalist economic system have been negatively combined into dynamic factors seen as bride wealth. This means that the concept of bride wealth has been incessantly reconstructed in the middle of clash and conflict of tradition and modernity. There is also little doubt that the practice is inextricably tangled with the common and current ways of livelihood, early marriage, polygyny, kinship/family structure, poverty, and migration labor. Bride wealth has become an increasingly commercialized element under a capitalist economic system. Accordingly, its traditional symbolism is seen to be subsequently weakening, whereas a tendency towards the reification of women is strengthening more in modern society that embraces modern customs bent on the protection of women's human rights. Its commercialization has produced a result, which instigates the noted violations of women's basic human rights, gender inequality, and promotion of domestic violence. The ways that people perceive bride wealth vary according to their own sex, generation, stratification, and ethnic background. Those people who negatively recognize bride wealth will increase with the deepening of its commercialization due to the influence of capitalism. Its color and effect will deepen and depend on how its agents correspond to socioeconomic changes. They will constantly reinterpret and reconstruct it within their own environments, but the basic human rights efforts are constantly under review by concerned individuals seeking to promote equality for women as a global effort.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2008

The purpose of this study is to identify variables that influence the family decision-making process when planning a wedding. In this case the planning refers to: the procedure of the wedding: yedan, which means presents for parents and relatives: and yemul, which means wedding gifts. Decision-making was categorized into four types: decisions led by the bride and groom, decisions led by the groom's parents, decisions led by the bride's parents, and co-decisions by the two families. Resource theory was used as a conceptual framework. Data for this study were collected from 305 adults who got married after 1977 and lived in Seoul. Multinomial logistic regression models were used to analyze the data. Variables determining the decision-making of wedding procedure were the groom's age at marriage, the level of familism, and the major source for the wedding expenses. When it came to decisions on yedan, gender, the bride's year of education, and the major source for wedding expenses had significant influence on the decision-making. Variables that affected decision-making on yemul were the bride's year of education, and the major source for wedding expenses. This study suggested the power structure among bride, groom, and their parents through variables which exert influence on family decision-making.

• American Studies
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2021

This paper examines how nation-specific history of Asian war brides affects different representations of war brides in Velina Hasu Houston's Tea (1984) and Julia Cho's The Architecture of Loss (2003). While war brides had long been excluded from American history, Japanese war brides were brought to public attention in the 1980s. Korean war brides, on the other hand, were kept out of sight until the 2000s. Focusing on how this time gap is related to ethnic difference, this paper analyzes dramaturgical differences between the two plays such as the presence/absence of war bride on stage or ethnic solidarity/familial reconciliation as the main device of war bride memorialization. Such differences, the paper suggests, stem from ethnic/historical differences between Korean and Japanese war brides. Through historical interpretations of the plays, this paper argues that America's military relationships with Korea and Japan were reproduced within the Asian-American families of each drama in ways that raise questions about pan-Asian identity.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.871-886
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• 2000

The purpose of this study is to understand the culture on the Traditional Wedding of the West Gyeong Nam District. The traditional wedding was characterized that the bridegroom visited his bride's house accompanied by his honored guests(上客) and the marriage ceremony was to be held in day time, and then the bridegroom became a son-in-law and stayed with the family for a few days. The bridegroom returned to his home, leaving his bride behind. After a certain period, the bride came to her husband's home as a daughter-in-law. The Traditional Wedding costume of the bridegroom were Samo-Gwandae. The coat (outside uniform) was blue Danryeong ornamented with two cranes figured Hyong-Bae and Heukgackdae. In case Samo-Gwandae was not available, Dopo or Durumakie could be substituted and they put on shoes in this case. A bridegroom put on Mokhwa his feet and under the Samo, and he also put on Nambawie or Bokguen. He put on Dopo or Haeng-eui(行衣) or Durumaki under the blue Danryeong. The bride put on Wonsam and Chokduri or Hwagwan on her hair. In case Wonsam was not available, Chima Jogori style or imitational Wonsam, which was roughly sewed with red cloth and blue cloth contained in the Honsuham (Box of wedding treasure), could be substituted. She put on Hyang-guen to protect her body against the coldness and to hide her face.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.657-670
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• 2003

It is quite common today for bride to wear white-colored wedding-dress in wedding ceremony. When does the color date back to? What does the “white” mean? Which other colors had been used for wedding dress and why? This research paper aims to answer those historical questions through literature review. It is found here that the “white” began to be generally accepted for a wedding dress color in the 18th century, and that the color became an official one since the marriage of Queen Victoria's (i.e. 1840). Prior to that, other colors were taken rather than the “white”. In ancient Greece and Roma, “Red” and “Yellow” were used to remove devils or to bring fortune. In medieval society, luxurious wedding dresses were popular and various colors were adopted in order to show up family power among leading classes. The “White” has meant purity of bride since the 18th century. However, two world wars in the 20th century happened to lead some brides in economic difficulty wear “black” colored wedding dress for a practical reason. After the world wars, some light colors such as white, beige, ivory are to be used in wedding dress.

• Proceedings of the Plant Resources Society of Korea Conference
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• 2007.11a
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• pp.327.2-327.2
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• 2007