• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.22
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• pp.249-272
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• 2003

This study discusses on the historical origin of audience's boycott movement to the Korean press. Two historical cases of audience's boycott movement in the early 1920s were analyzed in this study. The first boycott was resolved by the counterforce to the public funeral of Yunsik Kim in February of 1922. This case can be estimated as the historical origin of audience's boycott movement in the Korean media history. The second case was carried out by the National Convention of the Youth Parties in March of 1923. The target of these two cases were The Dong-A Ilbo. And these boycott movement were caused by the conflict and competition between nationalists and socialists in the national independence movement. These two parties were incompatible in the ideology and method of national independence struggle. In the course of their conflict and competition for the initiative socialist party resolved and carried out the boycott movement to The Dong-A Ilbo, because it was regarded as the advocate of the nationalist party.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.88-106
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• 2022

This study examined the social discourse on consumer boycott and explored consumer experience using text mining of mass media and social media data and the in-depth interview. The result showed that the topics of online news related to the boycott included the causes of the boycott, the responses of each actor in the process of the boycott, and the effects of the boycott. In the result of the in-depth interviews, it was found that the boycott has been decentralized and the participants had the experience of exploring and verifying information on their own. In the boycott process, there were mixed experiences due to the absence of substitutes and the marketing influence, and positive experiences of expressing one's thoughts and strengthening beliefs through the boycott.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.28
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• pp.219-249
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• 2005

This study analyzes the historical cases of audience's boycott movement to the Korean newspapers in the mid-1920s. five historical cases from 1924 till 1927 were analyzed in this study. These cases have a few differences in comparison with the cases of the early 1920s. Firstly, the boycott movement was activated considerably, and the target of movement was diversified. The number of cases in early 1920s was only two, and the target of both cases were The Dong-A Ilbo. But we could confirm at least 7 cases in mid 1920s through this study. In addition to The Dong-A Ilbo, the target included The Chosun Ilbo, and The Namsun Ilbo published in Masan. The location of the movement was not restricted to Seoul. It was also executed at the small cities and rural areas, such as Masan, Jinnampo, Bugang. Ihe analysis of the context of the boycott reveals that most cases wert caused mainly by the conflict of interest between parties. Some parties that dissatisfied with the coverage of a newspaper resolved and executed the boycott to that newspaper.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.1047-1062
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• 2009

Nowadays, ethical consumers are increasing and they consider social values such as worker's human rights, environment and animal's welfare as key criteria in purchasing products. This study focused on the academic and practical research of ethical consumption, in which the needs and interests are now growing globally. This study addressed the concept, trend and practices of ethical consumption as well as seeking methods to support and promote ethical consumption. It examined the concept and types of ethical consumption from the perspective of the philosophy on ethical consumption. Ethical consumption was defined as a behavior that intended to improve the environment and the welfare of people and animals by purchasing products produced according to sound ethical principles and avoiding products that are made through the exploitation or the damage of people, animals and the environment. It also dealt with the practices of ethical consumption such as the fair trade movement, Clean Clothes Campaign, boycott, local food movement, animal's welfare movement. In conclusion, I suggested that consumers, companies, governments, and NGOs should make an effort to promote ethical consumption.

• Human Ecology Research
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.517-537
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• 2020

This study investigated how consumers and company employees differ in their perceptions of boycotts based on the co-orientation model. Regarding the reasons of boycotts, consumers take both consumer damage cases and unethical conduct equally seriously, while company employees take consumer damage cases more seriously than unethical conduct. Consumer perceptions of the necessity for boycotts was higher than company employees, while employees were more aware of the negative impact of boycotts than consumers. Based on the co-orientation model, we examined how consumers and employees estimate differences in their perceptions of boycotts. The results showed that consumers and company employees are not accurately aware of each other's perceptions. Lastly, logistic regressions were conducted to identify the factors affecting three types of participation: online opinion expression, personal non-purchasing, and persuading other people to join the boycotts. The results showed that male consumers are more likely to participate in online opinion expression; consumer perceptions of effectiveness of boycotts and the perceived severity of consumer damage increase the likelihood of participation in online opinion expression. Consumer perceptions of the necessity of boycotts and their opinion leadership increased the likelihood of non-purchasing. Finally, consumers with higher opinion leadership and female consumers were more likely to encourage others to take part in boycotts. In addition, consumers are more likely to persuade others to join the boycotts if they have stronger beliefs that companies will not seriously consider consumer problems.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-10
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• 2001

This study is to reconsider the symbolic potential of the costume by investigating the role of cloth in Indian culture, noting the fact that Indians wore hand-woven cloth and adopted a flag with the spinning wheel in the center as part of their nationalistic programs for independence. The results are as follows; The Indian cotton industry had held the fist position in the world and spinning and weaving had been an Indian national industry until the early part of the 19th century. As for the Indian cotton industry under the rule of Britain, Indian was reduced to being a colony producing raw materials and a market of cheap British finished goods, and eventually fell into anarchy with economic poverty of the general public and peasants'uprising mixed with the complaint of the intellectuals. The Indian National Movement started as a resort to escape the British rule because of continuous poverty and social exhaustion, and its pivot was Gandhi. Gandhi launched a revolutionary noncooperation movement in Indian society with diverse races, religions and castes, and developed nation-wide campaigns such as Boycott, Swadeshi, the encouragement of spinning wheels, etc. Gandhi urged that Indians' weak identity and poverty were caused by the dissolution of their native craft and that the Indians should wear Indian products for economic independence. Accordingly, leaders of Indian National Congress regarded a spinning wheel as an economic necessity and national symbol, and approved manual spinning and weaving as part of their nationalistic programs in order to drew the general public to the nationalistic movement in 1920. They also decided that all Congressmen should wear hand-woven cloth, Khadi, and adopted spinning wheels as the logo type of Indian National Congress. Khadi, Indian national cloth, was a symbol of national unification, freedom and equality, and also a means of economic self-sufficiency, Swadeshi, and eventually led India to autonomy, Swaraji. Therefore, it can be concluded that the cloth converted Indias economic and political identity.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.326-341
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• 2020

Based on theoretical background of Situational Theory of Problem Solving(STOPS), we have examined the role of STOPS variables on a group of online public in their issue recognition and communicative behavior on Korea's nationwide civil boycott movement of Japanese goods. Results from 524 survey cases from a Korea's major online community show that two independent variables(Problem Recognition, Referent Criterion) revealed positive in their effect on mediating variable(Situational Motivation in Problem Solving). Situational Motivation also revealed positive in its effect on six dependent variables(Information Forefending, Information Permitting, Information Forwarding, Information Sharing, Information Seeking, Information Attending) of Communicative Behavior. Involvement Recognition and Constraint Recognition revealed positive without proper statistical significance. As a result, study on the case of online public in Korea supports STOPS theory as high-level of Problem Recognition and Referent Criterion effects on Communicative Behavior in positive way via Situational Motivation. Implications from the findings have discussed and proposed suggestions for government public relations and further studies.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.