This study aims to analyze the post-humanistic imagination that has emerged as a major academic thesis in Korean literature, especially novels. In particular, this paper focuses on Cho Ha-hyung's two novels Chimera's Morning(2004) and A Prefabricated Bodhi Tree(2008), published in the early 2000s, for intensive analysis. Post-humanism can be seen as an extension of post-modernism that tried to overcome the limitations of modernity and seek to establish a new world view. In particular, this thought pays attention to the comprehensive understanding of how the rapid development of science and technology, which has developed since the 20th century, has changed the view of humanity and human-centered civilization itself. At the concrete level, it is developing in the direction of constructing a new subject idea by reflecting and dismantling Western-, reason-, and male-centered power mechanisms that are the core of modern civilization. Cho attempts to discover and re-illuminate the surrounding figures, non-humans, and objects that were not noticed in the classic works written in the past. This ideological flow reflects the fact that the concept of human beings, which had been dominated by the humanities in recent years, has been completely changed, and the natural science and technology perspective is applied to the discourse field in various ways. From the point of view of post-humanism, objects that have not been classified as humans and objects that were considered inferior to humans should be included in human or comparable levels. These questions generate interdisciplinary research tasks by involving the large categories of philosophy, such as ontology, epistemology and empirical fields, as well as calling for the participation of the entire literature, science and social sciences. Against the backdrop of a disaster-hit world, Chimera's Morning and A Prefabricated Bodhi Tree depict human beings as variants transformed by bio-technology, and creatures made out of the artificial intelligence built by computer simulations. Post-humanistic ideas in Cho's novels provide a reflective opportunity to comprehensively reconsider the world's shape and human identity reproduced in the text, and to re-explore boundary lines and hierarchy order that distinguish between human and non-human.
This essay seeks to answer the question of how best to understand Korean new religious movements (KNRMs). KNRMs have the characteristics of folk religion, ethno-religion, or popular religion. KNRMs are products of the national consciousness promoted by Korean society during the Late Joseon Dynasty at the turning point of modern Yi-Jing Studies. From the perspective of social evolutionary theory of developmental history, during that period, Joseon (Korea), like China, was faced with a double-edged sword consisting of the strength of tradition and the upheaval of modernity. If the strength of tradition depended on the Yi-Jing Studies to promote national enlightenment toward anti-imperialist aims, then it was equally the case that modernity depended on the sense of urgency to guide the people to secure livelihoods and edification regarding anti-feudalism. In this essay, the KNRMs that appeared during this transition period of Yi-Jing Studies will be a significant focus, and the worldview of Daesoon Thought will be the main focus. As one of the central topics, intensive discussion will be dedicated to the issue of the nature of pre-experientialism (先驗主義) which characterized the Great Opening (開闢). The principles of Daesoon Thought have a religious dimension of realistic awareness that guides the people's lives and edifies them. The process of the Great Opening aims to secure an ontological clock that tracks the Great Itineration of the world toward Daesoon Truth. This in turn as a process establishes the epistemological world of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (天地公事) and reaches the axiological boundary of the future world. The links among the Three Realms is characterized by a pre-experientialist line that experiences the space-time nature of the universe as the Great Opening of the Later World (後天) within the framework of Heaven and Earth. Throughout this course, humans look to enjoy the infinite vitality of the universe from within their own finite vitality. Therefore, Daesoon Thought can overcome perceived reality through pre-experientialist channels such as the Great Opening of the Later World and aim for a state of self-awareness such as the Earthly Paradise. This is an attempt to participate and practice in the actual world rather than pursuing a world of transcendental ideas, and therefore, it tends to be proactive in the world rather than exhibit a passive tendency to be worldliness. In conclusion, the truth of Daesoon Thought, which is characterized by the Great Opening of the Later World, contains a future-oriented outlook that longs for a Nextopia full of hope and promise rather than idealistic fancy towards a Utopia or well-founded dread and disdain towards Dystopia.
The wall shear stress in the vicinity of end-to end anastomoses under steady flow conditions was measured using a flush-mounted hot-film anemometer(FMHFA) probe. The experimental measurements were in good agreement with numerical results except in flow with low Reynolds numbers. The wall shear stress increased proximal to the anastomosis in flow from the Penrose tubing (simulating an artery) to the PTFE: graft. In flow from the PTFE graft to the Penrose tubing, low wall shear stress was observed distal to the anastomosis. Abnormal distributions of wall shear stress in the vicinity of the anastomosis, resulting from the compliance mismatch between the graft and the host artery, might be an important factor of ANFH formation and the graft failure. The present study suggests a correlation between regions of the low wall shear stress and the development of anastomotic neointimal fibrous hyperplasia(ANPH) in end-to-end anastomoses. 30523 T00401030523 ^x Air pressure decay(APD) rate and ultrafiltration rate(UFR) tests were performed on new and saline rinsed dialyzers as well as those roused in patients several times. C-DAK 4000 (Cordis Dow) and CF IS-11 (Baxter Travenol) reused dialyzers obtained from the dialysis clinic were used in the present study. The new dialyzers exhibited a relatively flat APD, whereas saline rinsed and reused dialyzers showed considerable amount of decay. C-DAH dialyzers had a larger APD(11.70
The wall shear stress in the vicinity of end-to end anastomoses under steady flow conditions was measured using a flush-mounted hot-film anemometer(FMHFA) probe. The experimental measurements were in good agreement with numerical results except in flow with low Reynolds numbers. The wall shear stress increased proximal to the anastomosis in flow from the Penrose tubing (simulating an artery) to the PTFE: graft. In flow from the PTFE graft to the Penrose tubing, low wall shear stress was observed distal to the anastomosis. Abnormal distributions of wall shear stress in the vicinity of the anastomosis, resulting from the compliance mismatch between the graft and the host artery, might be an important factor of ANFH formation and the graft failure. The present study suggests a correlation between regions of the low wall shear stress and the development of anastomotic neointimal fibrous hyperplasia(ANPH) in end-to-end anastomoses. 30523 T00401030523 ^x Air pressure decay(APD) rate and ultrafiltration rate(UFR) tests were performed on new and saline rinsed dialyzers as well as those roused in patients several times. C-DAK 4000 (Cordis Dow) and CF IS-11 (Baxter Travenol) reused dialyzers obtained from the dialysis clinic were used in the present study. The new dialyzers exhibited a relatively flat APD, whereas saline rinsed and reused dialyzers showed considerable amount of decay. C-DAH dialyzers had a larger APD(11.70
In china, six bibliographies of offical historical books are evaluated at the most important things among the systematically-editing bibliographies. These bibliographies would be usful to study the orign of classical sciences and their development, bibliographic research of Chinese classics, bibliographic judgement on genuine books, titles, authors, volumes. They could be refered to research into graving, correcting, and existence of ancient books. therefore, these bibliographies would be applied to estimation the phase of scientific and cultural development. The study of these bibliographies has been not yet made in Korea. This thesis lays its importance on the background of their appearance, their classification norms, organizing system of their catalogue, and comparison between their difference. 1. Editing and compiling of Chilyak (칠약) by Liu Chin (유흠) and official histories played an important role of entering an apperance of historical book's bibliographies. Chilyak has been lost. However, its classification and compiling system of classical books would be traced by Hansoyemunji(한서예문지) of which basic system is similar to Chilyak. It classified books according to their scientific characteristic. If a few books didn't have their own categories, they were combined by the circles parallel to the books' characteristic. With the books classified under the same scientific characteristic, they were again divided into the scientific schools or structures. It also arranged the same kinds of books according to the chronology. The some books wi th duplicate subjects were classified multiplely by their duplicate subject. 2. Ssu-ma Chon's (사마천) The Historical Records (Saki, 사기) and Pan Ku's (반고) The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanso, 한서) has also took effects on appearance of historical books' bibliographies. Covering overall history, Saki was structured by the five parts: The basic annals(본기), the chronological tables (표), the documents (서), the hereditary houses (세가), biographies (열전). The basic annals dealt with kings and courts' affairs according to the chronology. The chronological tables was the records of the annals. The documents described overall the social and cultural systems. The hereditary houses recorded courts' meritorious officials and public figures. The biographies showed exemplars of seventy peoples selected by their social status. Pan Ku(반구)'s The History of the Former Han Dynasty(한서) deserved to be called the prototype for the offical histories after Saki's (사기; The Historical Records) apperance. Although it modelled on Saki, it had set up its own cataloguing system. It was organized by four parts; the basic annals (본기), the chronological tables (표), treatises(지), biographies (열전). The documents in the Hanso(한서) was converted into treatises(지). The hereditary houses and biographies were merged. For the first time, the treatise with The Yemunji could operate function for historical bibliographies. 3. There were six historical bibliographies: Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), Susokyongjeokji (수서경적지), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지), Shindangsoyemunji (신당서예문지), Songsayemunji (송사예문지), Myongsayemunji (명사예문지). 1) Modelling on Liu Chin's Chilyak except Chipryak(집략), Hansoyemunji divided the characteristic of the books and documents into six parts: Yukrye(육예), Cheja(제자), Shibu(시부), Pyongsoh(병서), Susul(수술), Pangki(방기). Under six parts, there were thirty eight orders in Hansoyemunji. To its own classification, Hansoyemunji applied the Chilyak's theory of classification that the books or documents were managed according to characteristic of sciences, the difference of schools, the organization of sentences. However the overlapped subjects were deleted and unified into one. The books included into an unsuitable subject were corrected and converted into another. The Hansoyemunji consisted of main preface (Taesoh 대서), minor preface (Sosoh 소서) , the general preface (Chongso 총서). It also recorded the introduction of books and documents, the origin of sciences, the outline of subjects, and the establishment of orders. The books classified by the subject had title, author, and volumes. They were rearranged by titles and the chronological publication year. Sometimes author was the first access point to catalogue the books. If it was necessary for the books to take footnotes, detail notes were formed. The Volume number written consecutively to order and subject could clarify the quantity of books. 2) Refering to Classfication System by Seven Norms (칠분법) and Classification System by Four Norms(사분법), Susokyongjeokji(수서경적지) had accomplished the classification by four norms. In fact, its classification largely imitated Wanhyosoh(완효서)'s Chilrok(칠록), Susokyongjeokji's system of classification consisted of four parts-Kyung(경), Sa(사), Cha(자), Chip(칩). The four parts were divided into 40 orders. Its appendix was again divided into two parts, Buddihism and Taiosm. Under the two parts there were fifteen orders. Totally Susokyongjeokji was made of six parts and fifty five orders. In comparison with Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), it clearly showed the conception of Kyung, Sa, Cha, Chip. Especially it deserved to be paid attention that Hansoyemunji laied history off Chunchu(춘추) and removed history to Sabu(사부). However Chabu(사부) put many contrary subjects such as Cheja(제자), Kiye(기예), Sulsu(술수), Sosol(소설) into the same boundary, which committed errors insufficient theoretical basis. Anothor demerit of Susokyongjeokji was that it dealt with Taiosm scriptures and Buddism scriptures at the appendix because they were considered as quasi-religion. Its compilation of bibliographical facts consisted of main preface(Taesoh 대서), minor preface(Sosoh 소서), general preface (Chongsoh 총서), postscript (Husoh 후서). Its bibliological facts mainly focused on the titles. Its recorded authors' birth date and their position. It wrote the lost and existence of books consecutive to total number of books, which revealed total of the lost books in Su Dynasty. 3) Modelling on the basis of Kokumsorok(고분서록) and Naewaekyongrok(내외경록), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지) had four parts and fourty five orders. It was estimated as the important role of establishing basic frame of classification by four norms in classification theory's history. However it had also its own limit. Editing and compling orders of Kudangsokyongjeokji had been not progressively changed. Its orders imitated by and large Susokyongjeokji. In Its system of organizing catalogue, with its minor preface and general preface deleting, Kudangsokyongjeokji by titles after orders sometimes broke out confusion because of unclear boundaries between orders. 4) Shindangsoyemunji(신당서예문지), adding 28,469 books to Kudangsokyongjeokji, recorded 82,384 books which were divided by four parts and fourty four orders. In comparison with Kudangkyongjeokj, Sindangsoyemunji corrected unclear order's norm. It merged the analogical norms four orders (for instance, Kohun 고훈 and Sohakryu 소학류) and seperated the different norms four orders (for example, Hyokyong 효경 and Noneuhryu 논어류, Chamwi 참위 and Kyonghaeryu 경해류, Pyonryon 편년 and Wisaryu 위사류). Recording kings' behaviors and speeches (Kikochuryu 기거주류) in the historical parts induced the concept of specfication category. For the first time, part of Chipbu (집부) set up the order of classification norm for historical and literatural books and documents (Munsaryu 문사류). Its editing and compiling had been more simplified than Kudangsokyongjeokji. Introduction was written at first part of bibliographies. Appendants except bibliographic items such subject, author, title, volume number, total were omitted. 5) Songsayemunji(송사예문지) were edited in the basis of combining Puksong(북송) and Namsong(남송), depending on Sabukuksayemunji(사부국사예문지). Generally Songsayemunji had lost a lot of bibliographical facts of many books. They were duplicated and wrongly classified books because it committed an error of the incorrectly annalistic editing. Particularly Namsong showed more open these defaults. Songsayemunji didin't include the books published since the king Youngchong(영종). Its system of classification was more better controlled. Chamwiryu(참위류) in the part of Kyongbu(경부) was omitted. In the part of history(Sabu 사부), recordings of kings' behaviors and speeches more merged in the annals. Historical abstract documents (Sachoryu 사초류) were seperately arranged. In the part of Chabu(자부), Myongdangkyongmaekryu(명당경맥류) and Euisulryu(의술류) were combined. Ohangryu(오행류) were laied off Shikuryu(시구류). In the part of Chipbu(집부), historical and literatural books (Munsaryu 문사류) were independentely arranged. There were the renamed orders; from Wisa(위사) to Paesa(패사), Chapsa (잡사) to Pyolsa(열사), Chapchonki(잡전기) to Chonki(전기), Ryusoh(류서) to Ryusa(류서). Introduction had only main preface. The books of each subject catalogued by title, the volume number, and author and arranged mainly by authors. Annotations were written consecutively after title and the volume number. In the afternote the number of not-treated books were revealed. Difference from Singdangsohyemunji(신당서예문지) were that the concept and boundary of orders became more clearer. It also wrote the number of books consecutive to main subject. 6) Modelling on Chonkyongdangsomok (경당서목), Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) was compiled in the basis of books and documents published in the Ming Danasty. In classification system, Myongsayemunji partly merged and the seperated some orders for it. It also deleted and renamed some of orders. In case of necessity, combining of orders' norm was occured particulary in the part of Sabu(사부) and Chabu(자부). Therefore these merging of orders norm didn't offer sufficient theretical background. For example, such demerits were seen in the case that historical books edited by annals were combined with offical historical ones which were differently compiled and edited from the former. In the part of Chabu(자부), it broke out another confusion that Pubga(법가), Meongga(명가), Mukga(묵가), Chonghweongka's(종횡가) thoughts were classified in the Chapka(잡가). Scriptures of Taiosim and Buddhism were seperated from each other. There were some deleted books such as Mokrokryu(목록류), Paesaryu(패사류) in the part of history (Sabu 사부) and Chosaryu(초사류) in the part of Chipbu(집부). The some in the each orders had been renamed. Imitating compiling system of Songsayemunji(송사예문지), with reffering to its differ-ence, Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) wrote the review and the change of the books by author. The number of not-treated books didn't appear at the total. It also deleted the total following main subject.
The terminology "human body" simply means a physical body but also more often, as an object in art works, carries symbolic concepts incorporating the whole history of human lives. Human body has been employed as an artistic object capturing physical body, delivering artist's idea expressing life indicators from different standpoints of times and places. This point of view about human body in art works has in fact rather short history since 1960's when modern thinking paradigm focusing upon rationality and reasoning has begun declining and on the contrary when the body used to be the servant of the mind and soul for a long time has begun attracting artist's attention as a real entity from the viewpoint of dichotomy. During the 1960's, frequent performances in Pop art and of Fluxus showed that the human body has been an important media for artistic communication after importance of body performances had been raised in Action painting in 1940's. The human body became a more determined media in body art works that had got into stride after Yves Kline's conceptual works applying body and its traces. These kinds of art works have continued and consolidated into the Feminism came into blossom in 1980's and into fragmentated and disembodied body art trend in 1990's. Through development of trends in body works, human body now might well be regarded as a clue provide from individual identity with implication over the world. This thesis is to analyse in semiotic way main works of Kiki Smith who is a representative artist devoting to Feminism and proposing extended significance of human body. In the analysis process of works done by two great artists with histrorical background of art trend in order to find and open an significance horizon of human body, semiotics and bodism are therefore perceived as pertinent and applied as basic tools. The first stage of analysis is to get the significances emerged in between expression part and contextual parts, which are separated structually from the most basic level. The study deals with body works furthermore in the way of structual cohesion of the expression and the context from the view of A J. Greimas' Structural Semantics and tried to build up a basic frame for the extended significances of human body. This thesis is, on the other hand, to attempt to contribute for extension of disembodied and fragmentated body discussed in the structural semantic frame earlier by Julia Kriesteva who delivers abjection concepts and phenomenology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty who enables to overview relationship between the body and the world from the viewpoint of Bodism, further into interpretation level. The other works are Kiki smith's that showed epics about death in mid-1980's, detailed humbleness of vulnerable human body exposed to dichotomy and fragmentation in 1990's and religion and mythology incorporating wouln healing in 2000's and henceforth. Through the analysis of Kiki Smith's representative work 'Pee body', it is verified and confirmed that fragmentated body showed beyond boundary gap of the human body and ultimately tends to imply human healing owing to divine maternity. Bodily symbols in Kiki Smith's are extended to the universal world to imply human life and death on the one hand and religion and mythology of human wound and divine healing one the other hand. This thesis through these process and results of analysis is in a broad context, to emphasize that human body as objectified text has a key indicator role to understand world as well as semiotic extension in art works in late 20th century so that we might confirm bodily symbol as a cultural context constitutes a section of contemporary visual arts.
This article is the reserch on actual condition of crime of arson which occurs in Korea and its countermeasures. The the presented problem in this article are that (1) we have generally very low rate concern about the crime of arson contrary to realistic problems of rapid increase of crime of arson (2) as such criminal motives became so diverse as to the economic or criminal purpose unlike characteristic and mental deficiency of old days, and to countermeasure these problems effectively it presentation the necessity of systemantic research. Based on analysis of reality of arson, the tendency of this arson in Korea in the ratio of increase is said to be higher than those in violence crime or general fire rate. and further its rate is far more greater than those of the U.S.A. and Japan. Arson is considered to be a method of using fire as crime and in case of presently residence to be the abject, it is a public offense crime which aqccompany fatality in human life. This is the well It now fact to all of us. And further in order to presentation to the crime of arson, strictness of criminal law (criminal law No, 164 and 169, and fire protection law No. 110 and 111) and classification of arsonist as felony are institutionary reinforced to punish with certainty of possibility, Therefore, as tendency of arson has been increased compared to other nations, it is necessary to supplement strategical policy to bring out overall concerns of the seriousness of risk and damage of arson, which have been resulted from the lack of understanding. In characteristics analysis of crime of arson, (1) It is now reveald that, in the past such crime rate appeared far more within the boundary of town or city areas in the past, presently increased rate of arsons in rural areas are far more than in the town or small city areas, thereby showing characteristics of crime of arson extending nation wide. (2) general timetable of arson shows that night more than day time rate, and reveald that is trait behavior in secrecy.(3) arsonists are usually arrested at site or by victim or report of third person(82,9%).Investigation activities or self surrenders rate only 11.2%. The time span of arrest is normally the same day of arson and at times it takes more than one year to arrest. This reveals its necessity to prepare for long period of time for arrest, (4) age rate of arson is in their thirties mostly as compared to homicide, robbery and adultery, and considerable numbers of arsons are in old age of over fifties. It reveals age rate is increased (5) Over half of the arsonists are below the junior high school (6) the rate of convicts by thier records is based on first offenders primarily and secondly more than 4 time convicts. This apparently shows necessity of effective correctional education policy for their social assimilation together with re-investigation of human education at the primary and secondary education system in thier life. The examples of motivation for arosnits, such as personal animosity, fury, monetary swindle, luscious purpose and other aims of destroying of proof, and other social resistance, violence including ways of threatening, beside the motives of individual defects, are diverse and arsonic suicide and specifically suicidal accompany together keenly manifested. When we take this fact with the criminal theory, it really reveals arsons of crime are increasing and its casualities are serious and a point as a way of suicide is the anomie theory of Durkheim and comensurate with the theory of that of Merton, Specifically in the arson of industrial complex, it is revealed that one with revolutionary motive or revolting motive would do the arsonic act. For the policy of prevention of arsons, professional research work in organizational cooperation for preventive activities is conducted in municipal or city wise functions in the name of Parson Taskforces and beside a variety of research institutes in federal government have been operating effectively to countermeasure in many fields of research. Franch and Sweden beside the U.S. set up a overall operation of fire prevention research funtions and have obtained very successful result. Japan also put their research likewise for countermeasure. In this research as a way of preventive fire policy, first, it is necessary to accomodate the legal preventitive activities for fire prevention in judicial side and as an administrative side, (1) precise statistic management of crime of arson (2) establishment of professional research functions or a corporate (3) improvement of system for cooperative structural team for investigation of fires and menpower organization of professional members. Secondly, social mentality in individual prospect, recognition of fires by arson and youth education of such effect, educational program for development and practical promotion. Thirdly, in view of environmental side, the ways of actual performance by programming with the establishment of cooperative advancement in local social function elements with administrative office, habitants, school facilities and newspapers measures (2) establishment of personal protection where weak menpowers are displayed in special fire prevention measures. These measures are presented for prevention of crime of arson. The control of crime and prevention shall be prepared as a means of self defence by the principle of self responsibility Specifically arsonists usually aims at the comparatively weak control of fire prevention is prevalent and it is therefore necessary to prepare individual facilities with their spontaneous management of fire prevention instead of public municipal funtures of local geverment. As Clifford L. Karchmer asserted instead of concerns about who would commit arson, what portion of area would be the target of the arson. It is effective to minister spontaveously the fire prevention measure in his facility with the consideration of characteristics of arson. On the other hand, it is necessary for the concerned personnel of local goverment and groups to distribute to the local society in timely manner for new information about the fire prevention, thus contribute to effective result of fire prevention result. In consideration of these factors, it is inevitable to never let coincide with the phemonemon of arsons in similar or mimic features as recognized that these could prevail just an epedemic as a strong imitational attitude. In processing of policy to encounter these problems, it is necessary to place priority of city policy to enhancement of overall concerns toward the definitive essense of crime of arson.
Taking the three Wuyi-Gugok Drawings, 『A Picture Showing the Boundary Between Mountains and Rivers: A』, 『Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain: B』 and 『Eighteen Sceneries of Wuyi Mountain: C』, which were produced in the mid-Qing Dynasty as the research objects and after investigating the names recorded in the paintings, this paper tries to analyze the scenic spots, scene types and images in the literature survey. Also, based on the number of Scenic type and the number of Scenic name in each Gok, landscape richness(LR) and landscape similarity(LS) of the Gugok scenic spots, the cognitive characteristics of the landscape in the 18th century were carefully observed. The results are as follows. Firstly, according to the description statistics of scenic spot types in Wuyi Mountain Chronicle, there were 41 descriptions of scenery names in the three paintings, among which rock, peak and stone accounted for the majority. According to the data, the number of rocks, peaks and stones in Wuyi-Gugok landscape accounted for more than half, which reflected the characteristics of geological landscape such as Danxia landform in Wuyi-Gugok landscape. Secondly, the landscape of Gugok Stream(九曲溪) was diverse and full of images. The 1st Gok Daewangbong(大王峰) and Manjeongbong(幔亭峰), the 2nd Gok Oknyeobong(玉女峰), the 3rd Gok Sojangbong(小藏峰), the 4th Gok Daejangbong(大藏峰), the 5th Gok Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) and Muijeongsa(武夷精舍), the 6th Gok Seonjangbong(仙掌峰) and Cheonyubong(天游峰) all had outstanding landscape in each Gok. However, the landscape features of the 7th~9th Gok were relatively low. Thirdly, according to the landscape image survey of each Gok, the image formation of Gugok cultural landscape originates from the specificity of the myths and legends related to Wuyi Mountain, and the landscape is highly well-known. Due to the specificity, the landscape recognition was very high. In particular, the 1st Gok and the 5th Gok closely related to the Taoist culture based on Muigun, the Stone Carving culture and the Boat Tour culture related to neo-confucianism culture of Zhu Xi. Fourthly, according to the analysis results of landscape similarity of 41 landscape types shown in the figure, the similarity of A and C was very high. The morphological description and the relationship of distant and near performance was very similar. Therefore, it could be judged that this was obviously influenced by one painting. As a whole, the names of the scenes depicted in the three paintings were formed at least in the first half of 18th century through a long history of inheritance, accumulated myths and legends, and the names of the scenes. The order of the scenery names in three Drawings had some differences. But among the scenery names appearing in all three Drawings, there were 21 stones, 20 rocks and 17 peaks. Stones, rocks and peaks guided the landscape of Gugok Streams in Wuyi Mountain. Fifthly, Seonjodae(仙釣臺) in A and C was described in the 4th Gok, but what deserved attention was that it was known as the scenery name of the 3rd Gok in Korean. In addition, Seungjindong(升眞洞) in the 1st Gok and Seokdangsa(石堂寺) in the 7th Gok were not described in Drawings A, B and C. This is a special point that needs to be studied in the future.
The purpose of this thesis is to analyze characteristics of everyday movement showed in performances of Steve Paxton. A work of art has been realized as a special object enjoyed by high class people as high culture for a long time. Therefore, a gap between everyday life and art has been greatly existed, and the emergence of everyday elements in a work of art means that public awareness involving social change is changed. The postmodernism as the period when a boundary between art and everyday life is uncertain was a postwar society after the Second World War and a social situation that rapidly changes into a capitalistic society. Changes in this time made scholars gain access academically concepts related to everyday life, and affected artists as the spirit of the times of pluralistic postmodernism refusing totality. At the same period of the time, modern dance also faced a turning point as post-modern dance. After the Second World War, modern dance started to be evaluated as it reaches the limit, and at this juncture, headed by dancers including the Judson Dance Theatre. Acting as a dancer in a dance company of Merce Cunningham, Steve Paxton, one of founders of the Judson Dance Theatre, had a critical mind of the conditions of dance company with the social structure and the process that movement is made. This thinking is showed in early performances as an at tempt to realize everyday motion it self in performances. His early activity represented by a walking motion attracted attention as a simple motion that excludes all artful elements of existing dance performances and is possible to conduct by a person who is not a dancer. Although starting the use of everyday movement is regarded as an open characteristic of post-modern dance, advanced researches on this were rare, so this study started. In addition, studies related to Steve Paxton are skewed towards Contact Improvisation that he rose as an active practician. As the use of ordinary movement before he focused on Contact Improvisation, this study examines other attempts including Contact Improvisation as attempts after the beginning of his performances. Therefore, the study analyzes Satisfyin' Lover, Contact at 10th & 2nd and Bound that are performances of Steve Paxton, and based on this, draws everyday characteristics. In addition, related books, academic essays, dance articles and reviews are consulted to consider a concept related to everyday life and understand dance historical movement of post-modern dance. Paxton attracted attention because of his activity starting at critical approach of movement of existing modern dance. As walking of performers who are not dancers, a walking motion showed in Satisfyin' Lover gave esthetic meaning to everyday movement. After that, he was affected by Eastern ideas, so developed Contact Improvisation making a motion through energy of the natural laws. In addition, he had everyday things on his performances, and used a method to deliver various images by using mundane movement and impromptu gestures originating from relaxed body. Everyday movement of his performances represents change in awareness of performances of the art of dancing that are traditionally maintained including change of dance genre of an area. His activity with unprecedented attempt and experimentation should be highly evaluated as efforts to overcome the limit of modern dance.
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.