• 제목/요약/키워드: asymmetrical

검색결과 723건 처리시간 0.021초

자녀양육비의 추정

  • 김원년
    • 한국인구학
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    • 제10권1호
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    • pp.28-38
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    • 1987
  • 이 논문의 목적은 급속한 경제발전과 산업화 초기단계의 한국사회에서 경력내 직업이동구조가 어떻게 구축되었는가를 밝히는 데에 있다. 생애사 자료에 나타난 직업이동의 개인사들을 분석함으로써 이 논문은 산업화 초기단계인 1954년에서 1983년까지 30년 동안의 성인 남녀의 경력내 연간 직업이동들을 모형화하였다. 상위 비육체노동직업, 하위 비육체노동직업, 자영업, 육체노동직업, 농업의 5개 직업범주를 통하여 연원 이동표상에 나타난 이동형태는 비이동성에 의해 일차적으로 특징지워진다. 그러나 이동의 절대량으로 볼 때 비이동성의 정도는 각 직업군에서 달리 나타나, 요약하면 U자형이라고 볼 수 있다. 전체적으로 연간이동의 형태는 직업간의 거리라는 개념으로 가장 잘 설명될 수 있다. 직업이동의 상대적 형태를 연구하기 위해서 일반적으로 사용되고 있는 대수선형모형의 문제점들을 지적하고 비판하면서 필자는 개념적,이론적 작업과 모형추정의 방법론적 작업을 결합시키는 형태의 대수선형모형을 주장하였다. 이러한 모형은 1) 세대간 이동과 세대내(경력간)이동의 구별을 가능하게 하며, 2) 불평등구조 관점, 노동시장적 관점, 생애사적 관점을 동시에 반영할 수 있는 것이어야 한다. 이동표의 분석에서 출발직업과 도달직업의 상대적 규모 외에 크게 6가지의 개념적으로 구별되는 설명요인들(지속성, 천정, 전통부문, 비육체노동, 대안적 이동경로, 직업간 거리)에 바탕을 둔 모형을 통하여 경력이동의 형태를 분석하였다. 우리사회에서 세대내 직업이동의 상대적 형태는 지속성 요인과 천정효과에 의해 좌우되는 것으로 나타나고 있다. 그러나 세대간 이동의 연구결과와는 달리, 우리사회에서 세대내 (경력내) 직업이동에서는 자영업으로의 대안적 이동경로의 요인이 강하게 작용하고 있는 것으로 나타난다. 세대내 직업이동의 상대적 형태는 다음과 같은 몇가지로 특징지울 수 있다. 첫째, 대각선상에서 일어나는 지속성 요인의 효과가 절대적이다. 지속성 요인의 효과는 서구 선진산업사회에서의 U자형과는 달리 역-J자형으로 나타나고 있다. 둘째, 비육체노동직업과 육체노동직업 및 농업간의 직업간 거리에 의한 부의 이동효과가 명백히 발견된다. 셋째 농업으로부터의 이동은 상대적으로 도달직업의 종류와 상관없이 일어나고 있다. 넷째, 비육체노동직업간의 이동은 상대적으로 매우 높고 쌍방향적이며, 다른 직업군에 대해 배타적이다. 다섯째, 유출과 유입의 양 측면에 있어 자영업은 매우 독특한 기능을 수행하고 있다. 여섯째, 우리사회에서 경력내 직업이동의 상대적 형태는 대각선을 중심으로 비대칭적이다.

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4차 산업혁명 시대의 사이버네틱스와 휴먼·포스트휴먼에 관한 인문학적 지평 연구 (An Interdisciplinary Approach to the Human/Posthuman Discourses Emerging From Cybernetics and Artificial Intelligence Technology)

  • 김동윤
    • 방송공학회논문지
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    • 제24권5호
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    • pp.836-848
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    • 2019
  • 본 글은 오늘날 과학기술 분야에서 큰 영향을 미친 사이버네틱스와 이를 계승한 인지과학, 인공지능, 이로 인해 촉발된 포스트휴먼 담론으로 이어지는 맥락을 살펴보고자 한다. N. 위너에 의해 주창된 사이버네틱스는 현대정보과학과 뉴런망(網) 개념을 배태하는데 큰 역할을 하였으며 인간의 정신(mind)을 디지털 부호화하려는 현대 뇌신경과학에 많은 영향을 주었다고 말해진다. N. 위너는 인간은 커뮤니케이션의 동물이라고 전제하고 피드백에 입각한 정보이론을 정립하고자 하였다. 위너는 기존 인간의 부정적인 국면들(폭력성, 야만성 전쟁 등)과 전체주의적인 선동 선전에 의해 정보의 엔트로피가 증가했기 때문이라고 보았다. 이러한 부정적인 정보의 엔트로피를 제거하기 위해서 사이버네틱스, 즉 자동제어 장치를 통해 정보가 자유롭게 유통되는 시스템을 고안한 것이다. 이제 인간 사회는 피드백 효과에 바탕을 둔 정보이론과 그 시스템에서 서로 소통하게 되는 것이다. 그러나 위너는 인간이 기계가 되고 매체가 과잉 정보로 인해 정보가 전달하는 메시지가 단지 되풀이되는 것을 경계하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 사이버네틱스는 닫혀진 시스템으로서 복합성에 의해 비판 받게 되었다. 그 이후 사이버네틱스 개념은 이를 계승한 인지과학의 영역에서 인지주의(Cognitivism)를 낳았고 이는 오늘날 인공지능 개발의 기반 인식을 형성하고 있다. 인지주의의 단적인 예는 인간 뇌를 뉴런 개념으로 파악하여 뉴런을 디지털 부호화 함으로써 '뉴런인간'(장 피에르 샹죄)을 탄생시키는 것이다. 뉴런 인간의 개념은 인간과 기계를 동일시하고 인간의 탈신체화, 인간 신체의 탈문질화 가능성을 열어 놓았다는 점에서 의미심장하다. 다른 한편 인간 뇌의 디지털 부호화와 신체의 탈물질화는 N. K. 헤일즈가 말하는 '포스트휴먼'의 이상에 가깝다. 도나 J 헤러웨이의 '사이보그 선언'도 포스트휴먼의 이상을 사이보그로 구현하려 한다. 디지털 혁명으로 촉발된 포스트휴먼 개념은 기존 인간에 대한 정의와 위상, 인간과 기계의 관계와 경계를 근본적이고 급진적인 방식으로 질문한다. 인간의 이상과 인류의 오랜 염원은 인간 존재를 불멸화하는 것이다. 18세기 계몽주의자 콩도르세가 말하는 완벽가능성의 이상은 완벽하게 만들어진 인간에 대한 환상과 신화이다. 귄터 안더스는 인간이 완벽하게 만들어지지 않고 불완전한 인간으로 태어난 것을 부끄럽게 여긴다고 말한다. 인간의 자가제조를 통한 완벽성의 꿈과 환상은 삶의 지평에서 - 불멸을 꿈꾸면서 - 죽음을 후퇴시키고 삶으로서의 세계(Lebenswelt)를 축출한다. 삶의 세계는 삶의 풍요로운 의미의 근원이자 실존적 지평이다. NBIC 기술, 사이버네틱스, 인공지능, 뇌신경과학의 다양한 형태의 결합은 '호모 아티피시알리스'(Homo Artificialis, 인공인간)를 창발함으로써 오랜 시간 속에서 숙성된 인문적 성찰과 지혜, 그것이 사유한 삶의 근원으로서의 실존적 지평을 근본적으로 뒤흔들고 있는 것이다. 이러한 급진적인 과학기술적 변화의 맥락에서 떠오른 '포스트휴먼' 개념은 - 역설적이게도 - 인간(휴먼)의 위상, 삶의 의미, 존재의 지평 등 가장 인간(학)적 형이상학적 실존적인 질문들을 재점화하고, 깊은 인문적 성찰을 요구하고 있다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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