I. Identity of Yeonsegeuk as total arts. The purpose of the thesis is to arrange the identy of Yeonsegeuk(Kino-Drama) which is theatre or film. The process of study is tried to discuss on the aethetic of Yeonsegeuk. II. Appearance of Yeonsegeuk and negative disputation of yeonsegeuk The first imported Yeonsegeuk from Japanese in Korea is made by the group of Mizuno Ganggetsu(水野觀月) on Oct. 16. 1915 at Pusan and also to run in Seoul at Hwanggeumgwan. The first of Korean Yeonsegeuk is by Kim, Dosan, a leader of Singeukjwa(theare group) on Oct. 27. 1919 at Danseongsa. Before the liberation of Korea from Japan all made korean Yeonsegeuk are 28 works. III. Dramatic form of Yeonsegeuk I study on the relation between Yeonsegeuik and Sinpageuik(new theatre of modern drama in 1920's). I find that Yeonsegeuik admitted the thechnics of the Sinpageuik and the contents. If We think that the theatre is synthetic art which genealize all arts, we can insist that the Yeonsegeuk is valued the total art as new performance to comply with film art to theatre. Conclusionly Yeonsegeuk is called 'Expanded Theatre' as the new performance which must be dicussed in the view of total art. VI. Discussion on the the aethetic of Yeonsegeuk When we compare the structure of film with the structure of theatre, we can't find a diffrent element between the structure of two art in art semiotic. But we find a fact that film art has special elements in mechanics character which are camera working and motage. These technics influence on the audience's mind. It is different point between Japan and Korean's Kino-drama and Germany's that is to admit the aethetic of total art or not. V. Yeonsegeuk as new performance During Korean modern times Kino-drama was first a kind of total art with stage and screen. But it is regretable that Kino-drama didn't have the background of theory which discourse on the comprehension of total art. As the result Kino-drama bring the confusion of argument that Kino-drama is total art or expanded theatre. This confusion will be disputed on film art as performing arts or future art as expanded film and total art.
This paper aims to explore whether the trilemma of welfare states has been a valid argument about the recent change of welfare states. Based on fuzzy-set ideal type analysis of data from seventeen OECD countries, it examines that welfare states have achieved three core policy objectives -income equality, employment growth and fiscal discipline- in the service economy during the period between 1981 and 2010. The evidence presented in this paper does not support the trilemma of the service economy where only two goals can be pursued successfully at one time, at a cost of the other remained goal. The trilemma has been effective only to the countries in liberal welfare regime where employment growth and fiscal discipline has been achieved at a cost of higher levels of income equality. However, conservative welfare-state regimes have experienced the deterioration of income equality and fiscal restraint after the mid 1980s and it seems that they have diverged into various models. In the countries of the social democratic welfare regime, the goals of equality and employment have been achieved simultaneously together with fiscal discipline since the early 2000s. While they are classified as the perfect model in the research, Southern European welfare states including Greece and Italy, classified as 'the crisis model', have not performed well in all the three aspects. On the evidence presented in this paper, it can be said that the trilemma of welfare states in the service economy is not effective to explain the policy goals of welfare state as well as the result of redistributive politics in the service economy.
The study examined Daxuezhalu written by ShiTan Li Shen-Yi. Three different editions of Daxuezhalu were looked into, one of which in Shitanji("石灘集") could be considered methodical, if not perfect. In addition, Guojirucangben("國際儒藏本" as goudou(句讀) and correction was made on its wrong contents through dainjiao(點校) by WangXinzhu(王心竹). For these reasons, Daxuezhalu in Shitanji was used as the basis for the study and Guojirucangben as a supplement. Explanatory notes were added to Daxuezhangjuxu("大學章句序") in Daxuezhalu, but consent cannot be given to some of them, which include the author's opinion that views Jing(敬) as essence of Xiaoxue("小學") and Daxue("大學"), and the unique interpretation of Zhangju(章句), which can be attributed to the fact that the author didn't revise Daxuezhalu after writing it at the age of 37. However, the explanatory notes on xin(心), xing(性), qing(情), zhi(志) and yi(意) in An(按) toward the end of Daxuezhangjuxu are considered unique. The followings in Jingwen(經文) were examined as questionable. ShiTan(石灘) reflected on the ways to reach zhishan(至善) as in the table that shows Sangangling(三綱領), which may be viewed as distinctive. The review of zhizhijie('知止'節) reveals that ShiTan(石灘) followed Zhuzi(朱子) on the issue of whether to relocate zhizhijie('知止'節) through his interpretation for leaving it where it was. The same was applied regarding tizhi(體制) in chuanwen(傳文) by following Zhuzi(朱子)'s argument on Daxuezhangju("大學章句"). While the tendency to divide it into zhi(知) and hang(行) was seen, there was difficulty in thorough understanding with all the comments being in goujie(句節). It is considered overreaction that he argued in favor of shen(?) without any comments on Gewuzhizhibuwangzhang("格物致知補忘章"), although he mentioned characters, jin(謹) and shen(?) unlike Zhuzi(朱子).
In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.
This paper examines the persuasive style(論說類) proses of Myeonggog(明谷) Choi, seokjeong(崔錫鼎, 1646~1715). He is a disciple of Namguman(南九萬) and Parksechae(朴世采), and is a man who played an active part by political soron(少論) leader in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. It is also a central figure that links the genealogy of the late Joseon Dynasty, which leads to Namguman(南九萬)-Choiseokjeong(崔錫鼎)-Chotaeeok(趙泰億). He wrote total 14 persuasive style prose. The time of creation is from around 1671 until the end of life. In this paper, the preoses to be analyzed are Sunukron(荀彧論), Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) and Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨). The reverse idea that reverses the existing discussion is outstanding, and the work which is unique in composition is Sunukron(荀彧論). Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) is a work that uses the ryubi(類比) to increase persuasiveness and converts the existing perspective. Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) is a work that attempted to harmonize in the formality of vocabulary, sentence and composition while showing the logical perfection to dismiss the counter-argument's prerequisite. For example, Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) consists of a total of five paragraphs in aspect of composition, each paragraph arranged in good order. In addition, this work presented sequential arguments, used the incremental method which emphasizes the importance of arguments as it moves backward.
Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.
This study is an argument that Yeoheon Jang Hyun Gwang's Yeok-Hak-Do-Seol has been on the context of the typical Confucian methodology of self-organization for a sage's or superman's character (爲己之學) and completed the methodology. Therefore the context from Confucius to Southern Song China Era is argued as a context of development and systematization of the methodology. In addition the fact that Zhuxi(朱熹) and his students had systimatization of the methodology with the publications of some important textbooks is also explained. The most stressed thing of this study is Yeoheon's Yeok-Hak-Do-Seol is just the text that succeeded them as the methodology of self-organization and had a special purpose of completion of the methodology not only with comprehensive items of practice but also intuition into the human's life and the world by his mastery of Yeokhak(易學). The viewpoint this study keeps is the Confucian methodology of self-organization is considered for the purpose of development and upholding the Confucian truth, and thus the methodology itself has been regarded as the necessary one that is the closest approximation to a pursuit of Confucian truth. According to this viewpoint we can observe the features of methodology of the pursuit of Confucian truth from the Yeok-Hak-Do-Seol. However the Yeok-Hak-Do-Seol has its purpose merely on a human being's self-organization but also on an enormous enterprise to make the universe peace or sustainability of the world. His stress on the enterprise shows that his methodology is not a merely repetition of the tradition of the Zhuzixue but a creative deveopment of the tradition. The other feature is that his methodology is systematization on the basis of Yeokhak, or the study of Yi-jing(易經). The main method he intensified is easiness and simplification that is the main point which he extracted from Yi-jing as the most important and necessary way of life.
Seongdeokdaewang-Shinjong, the 29th National Treasure, is highly valuable as a study material in various aspects including the histories of ideology, Buddhism, politics, art-craft, Chinese character study, calligraphy, epigraphy and so on of the mid-time of Shinra. Compared with the people's interest in the Shinjong, however, the studies on the words carved on it have not been yet deepened. Such studies have not been yet overcoming the phase of decoding and translation of the words. Today, it is required to analyze and study the words systematically. This article starts with such critical mind. That is why the subtitle of this article is Research on the Background of Thoughts considering that this study must be followed by its 2nd study. This study has totally reviewed the decoding and annotation works that have been done so far. Byeonryeomun (騈儷文: a writing style of Chinese character) has been also studied on its written patterns. As a result, approximately 20 problems have been found and corrected. Especially, such key phrases as '工匠?模' and '日月?暉' have been translated in a new way to spotlight the importance of translation of the carved words. The words carved on the Shinjong are highly valuable to study in the aspect of ideology history. The words fully show not only Buddhist thoughts, Confucian thoughts and Taoist thoughts but also Korea's own unique thoughts, which are all melted in the words without any obstacle to each other. In general, they are highly philosophical words. The words are unique especially in the aspect: They give a meaning to the Shinjong based on the keyword Won-Gong (圓空: circle and empty) and suggest the key point of Buddhist thoughts and governing philosophy altogether. That is, they imply that King Seongdeok's political ideology and governing principle are connected to Pungryudo (風流道), Korea's own unique philosophy. This implication is key evidence that makes it possible to trace the context of transmission of Pungryudo. You should not miss also the phrases implying that there was a big argument between reform group based on Confucian thoughts and conservative group based on Korea's own unique thoughts.
Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.
The specific concern of 'Xing'(形) & 'Shen'(神) theory is considering the body and the soul of human being. If either of the body and the soul including the life of human as of basic items is not existed, it may not seem to be alive. A great number of philosophers during 'Dong-Jin Northern & Southern Dynasty'(東晉南北朝) had the most active and furthest discussion throughout the history of China to study the concerns; Having a question such as "Where the body and the soul come out around us?", "What is the essence of complicated and delicate mental operation?" "Are there any relationships between the body and the soul?" and then "How do the human soul exist after death?" First, during 'Don-Jin' period as body and soul theory was based on 'Yin'(陰) and 'Yang'(陽). 'He Cheng Tian'(何承天) said that everything which was burn on earth should die because the soul couldn't stay the dead body longer. In the same age, 'Ming Fo Run'(明佛論) and 'Da Xing Run'(達性論) which denied that the soul couldn't exist forever were main topics of the discuss among the distinguished philosophers. Next, during 'Northern & Southern dynasty', body and soul theory was divided into two. First of all, body and soul of 'Heng Cun'(恒存) might be harmonized, however, that was not perfectly put together. Because, after human death, even if the body of human might be existed, the soul left elsewhere but always stayed around us. The body was the soul which meant that the soul was to the nature of the body and the body was to the usage of soul. Many philosophers insisted that nobody meant no soul according to 'Shen Bu Mie Run'(神不滅論) and 'Shen Mie Run'(神滅論) which was the main topic as an academic argument in those days. Finally, during Dong-Jin dynasty covered the significance of Body and Soul theory and analyzed the influence into the history of the history philosophy in china.
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