• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.7 no.12
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• pp.55-65
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• 2007

The commercial value of the Korean animation was developed by the government's policies of revitalizing reform and national harmony from 1960 to the middle of 1980. Especially, the character of the anti communistic animation was organized by the structure of confrontation between South (good) and North (evil). The confrontation was viewed by communism and liberal democracy by red and white (or blue) and a pig or a boy. Such ideology and the policy of Korean culture gave some impact on its culture, for example, movie and animation. The animation became the tool of educating the idea of anti-communism and the policy of Korean culture by firming the policy of anti communism. But that animation of anti communism must not be blamed because it is a general animation of Korea which describes the reality. We have to take a hard view of the time and reconsider it by the new point of view.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.15
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• pp.109-122
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• 2009

Cultural policy, a part of ideological policy has affected remarkable changes in movie and animation. Korean animation was called cartoon movie and popular only among children, but works dealing with anti-communism ideology have been introduced in Korea since before/after 1970s. Animation focusing on ideology is not unique in Korea, but division of two Koreas after Korean War made great influence on social, cultural and educational aspects of the nation. Moreover, modification in movie-related laws and regulations made in 1960s - 1970s affected movie and animation significantly and is a means of strengthening anti-communism. In particular, Director Cheong-gi Kim's released in 1978 is meaningful in that it is the first long piece of animation movie. In this study, I clarify anticommunistic ideology reflected on the anticommunistic animations and the imageable expression of ideology reflected on . Most of all, I emphasize on clarifying how the cultural policies and social & cultural background influence on the advent of anticommunistic animation in 1960${\sim}$1970. Also, to communicate anticommunistic ideology reflected on produced under the social & cultural background, I clarify the expressive characteristic which the image of animation has.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.145-166
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• 2016

The aim of this investigation was to determine the historical relationship between anti-communism in the United States and military dictatorship in Paraguay. Relations between the two countries have been of great importance since the U.S attempt to obtain hemispheric solidarity in World War II, the Cold War in Latin America, and the balance of power in the La Plata region. The Archives of Terror are official documents of police repression between Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship and the U.S. U.S provided support and aid to Paraguay dictator. Alfredo Stroessner spanned more than half a century. The course of Paraguay-U.S. relation during his regime is illustrative of the flow of real politics in both nations. Not only did Washington had definite diplomatic goals, so did $Asunci{\acute{o}}n$. The relative disparity in power and wealth between the two nations did not necessarily hinder Paraguay's pursuit of international advantage in its relations with the United States.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 2017

This study aims to compare the state building process focusing on the founding presidents of South Korea, which was a colony of the defeated state of World War II and the Philippines, the colony of the victorious state. To this end, it compares the lives of the presidents, mainly the founding president of Korea Syngman Rhee and Manuel Quezon who led the autonomy of the Philippines and established the Commonwealth government, in the contexts of the state building process of the two countries. In each country, the leaders had to address the core tasks for founding the states in common. Firstly, after the independence or the acquisition of state autonomy, both countries adopted a constitution based on the presidential system with the strong authority of the presidents influenced by the United States. Secondly, the two countries after the independence were operated on the basis of anti-communism at the forefront of the Cold War. In addition, they also carried out land reform to bring the peasants into the system for supporting anti-communism. Lastly, the two countries also faced the same issues of liquidating the Japanese colonial legacies. Therefore the study examines the establishment of the constitution, settlement of anti-communism line, the land reform issues, and liquidation of Japanese colonialism or occupation in each country. The Philippines attained 'constitutional independence' in 1935 and experienced political development faster than any other post-colonial country in Asia. However, except for the establishment of the constitution, the early leaders were not able to address the principal issues for state building. As land reform failed, landowners became economically and politically dominant. The Philippines, where the modern citizen class has not arisen suffered from the political and economic recession. In Korea, despite the Korean War and division of the country, the founding president Syngman Rhee attempted to solve the tasks. As a result, he was able to lay the track of liberal democracy against communism and also settled Japanese colonial legacy as much as it was allowed. In particular, through land reform, he has laid the basis for the nation-state and economic development and has set up the girders of Korean economy by adopting the market economy system. Although there are merits and demerits, compared with the leaders of other countries especially with the Philippines, it is no doubt that Syngman Rhee has played an essential role in establishing the state as a founding president.

• 중국학논총
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• no.64
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• pp.99-117
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• 2019

This study examines the themes the two authors shared - anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-ideology - 《The Myth of the 20th Century》 and 《The Age of Passion》, 《Waiting for the Barbarians》 and 《Disgrace》. Both pieces opposed imperialist aggression and oppression and rejected colonial rule with the issue of their identity as strangers, and stood up against huge powers, including the fictionalization of ideology, racism, and despotism. Kim Hak-chul understood communism as a humanitarian, not a personal cult or individual dictatorship. Most of his work is autobiographical novels that he has experienced and are based on realism. Kim Hak-chul voluntarily chose China to actively fight against reality and showed the reality as it is to change history and politics, but Coetzee did not directly reveal the relationship between the perpetrator and victim, the ruler and the one being ruled, but maintained a certain distance from politics, revealing the reality of society and its system.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.59-83
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• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.617-628
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• 2018

The aim of this essay is to discuss the relationship between Korean literature and Korean intellectual scenes. Since its first introduction to the local context, literature as a genre has served as a field in which colonial and post-colonial intellectuals have attempted to win the accreditation of Western enlightenment. Literature has been regarded as a crucial instrument of liberal arts and education in Korea. Literature has functioned as a social movement in Korea since its inception. During the colonial period, radical intellectuals and literary writers published essays and articles in literary journals. This status as a social movement is still a distinctive characteristic of Korean literature. From the outset, Korean literature has functioned as an enlightenment project for cultural development. As such, Korean literature retains a political meaning of "literariness," which reshuffles the hierarchy of the sensible and creates novelty against given aesthetic regimes. As a result, in the process these regimes are thereby de-purified of their status as purely aesthetic movements; their perspectives thereby come into contact with other discourses and practices outside the art world. This essay argues that as a genre, Korean literature always functions as "world literature" in Korean intellectual scenes.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.13
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• pp.7-33
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• 2012

The memory of the Korean War is about the time period when people lived toughly during evacuation, due to being exposed to the natural climate such as intense cold or heat without any protection, leaving their comfortable home and living in temporary built shelters which were barely enough to avoid the wind. 'Death is concealed and only the figures of evacuation for survival were expressed, just as how the government ordered. Since the experience of the battlefield is personal and fragmentary, that is broken into pieces, it does not have compatibility. As war is a distorted experience that cannot be placed in a big picture, it is not possible to take a view of the war's big picture. Having this individualized experience as a common collective memory is an issue and it is the will that people tries to pursue. The reason why the evacuees from north to south, and as well as from the south to further south were all able to be adopted as the theme of artworks due to the military action that emptied the occupied territories of the North Korean Army under the forced removal command. In such situations, the natural state of the 'snow' was like a symbol of the 1.4 Recession. The group of people who were thrown into the intense cold displaced the war damage of loosing their base livelihood, and symbolized the obedient citizens who faithfully follow their government's command. The figure of advocating anti-communism is projected as a figure of a refugee during cold winter-time and it contains ones past which he or she obeyed its own country's commands. Evacuation, especially the evacuation during the winter is a visual device that can confirm these kinds of country's command. The consequences were same for the artists as well. Therefore, the situation being communal could be found due to the individual experiences during war are ideological. The image of the refuge shown in the picture played the role of strengthening the consciousness of defecting to South Korea into the meaning of the 'Finding Freedom.' I would like to express that the reason of them leave their home during the harsh winter is in order to avoid the oppression of the Communist Party. The evacuation that people went through was not to 'Finding Freedom', but 'To Survive'. Later, this evacuation has been imprinted as a behavior of choosing free Republic of Korea, which was an ideological issue. Anti-communism was the rule of survival in South Korea society, and people have the tendency to remember what they want to remember. As it is not the people who possesses an incident, but the memory that possesses ones, people cover their memory with disguised plots in order to forget the violence and to live a different prologue. They share the incident of violence as a hurtful memory. The tragedy of the Korean War was the result of Ideology and being in between the powerful nations' rights, but the violence during the war has been depicted as a natural disaster, which was the evacuation in heavy snow.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.333-374
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• 2009

Korean traditional education emphasizes moral education than any other country or culture. Education is recognized as practical task for self-realization and self-transcendence in traditional Confucian community. This study starts from two questions. First, how moral education in Korea from late in the 19th, when the modernized schooling started, to now can be classified according to social and political circumstances? Second, what is the main issue of moral education in the progress of Korean education after independence from Japanese imperialism? Especially, this study focuses on reflecting and reviewing these issues by context of Eastern moral education. After late in the 19th century, moral education in Korea is divided into three types: "Education for loyalty and filial piety and Moral cultivation", "Citizenship education and Education for anti-communism", and "Moral education and Character education". This study mainly insists these types of moral education distort the sprit by political interests rather than inherit and develop sprit or basic value of moral education. Furthermore, this study discusses characteristic of moral education and way to improve based on important two issues in Korean society; "Nationalism in moral education" and "Western biased education" Making individual's free will into group consciousness in accordance with political power group's interests rather than developing moral community based on each one's character building, nationalism in moral education deepens self-alienation. Western biased education makes self-negation as it considers western as core, and Korea and other traditional ideas as side. This study emphasizes reanalysis Eastern moral education and need effort for understanding of Eastern moral education to overcome Western biased education in Korean moral education.