Treasured Mirror of Eastern Medicine was written by Heo Joon in 1610 and published in 1613, it was stored in the Library of Seoul University. It quotes more than 190 ancient Chinese books including mostly those of medicine. The author discusses mainly the theory of herbal formulas and its numbers comparing formulas between quotation and original text in Zhu Zhongjing's formula. Prescriptions from the Great Peace Imperial Grace Pharmacy, Effective Formulas Handed Down for Generations and Recovery from All Ailments. Through comparison it's found that there are five correlations between quotation and original. That shows a affinity relation in traditional medicine between China and Korea and a historical visage that Korean doctors followed Chinese medicine and tried to further development from it.
Proceedings of the Korea Society of Costume Conference
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2001.08a
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pp.59-61
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2001
Along with the development of culture, dress of the Chinese people has also evolved over the last several thousand years, transcending its original functions of covering and protecting the body. As a result it has risen to become a complicated system of symbols full of intricate meanings. According to de Saussure's theory of "signs," signs are represented by the elements signified (meaning) (referent) and signifiant (sound) (exponent). "Phoenix crowns" were the headpieces most highly esteemed by women in ancient China. Actually, the name "phoenix crown" points to the fact that the headpiece is adorned with a phoenix design. The history and symbolism of the phoenix crown's use as a headpiece in Chinese weddings spans 1200 years in all, originating in the Qin Dynasty (241-210 BC) as a phoenix hairpin, evolving into the phoenix crown during the Song Dynasty (960-1276 AD), and continuing through the Ming and Qing Dynasties (1644-1911 AD), and the modem republic. It is not simply an ornamental headpiece, but instead represents the thousands of years or rich inner meaning the Chinese attribute to "dragons" and "phoenixes." This paper depicts the glorious past of phoenix crowns, using the metaphor and metonymy theories of semiology and semantics, and through the cross-verification of literature research archeological findings and reports, and old Chinese wedding photographs, in order to examine the inherent meanings of the phoenix crown in the Chinese culture.nings of the phoenix crown in the Chinese culture.
Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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v.24
no.3
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pp.127-144
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2022
This paper aims to analyze the different external images of women expressed in ancient artwork through the socio-cultural background and the aesthetic view during the Tang and Song dynasties of China. The research method contains a literature review involving the collection of historical literature, thesis, and artwork data. The image of women according to the aesthetic view of the two periods is summarized as follows. In terms of face shape, the Tang pursued a round face while the Song pursued a more slender shape. As for hair ornamentation, the Tang wore various shapes of hair buns like "Paojiaji", and decorated them with coronets. The Song wore various types of braided hair called "Tongxinji", but the coronets were smaller and more sophisticated. For makeup, the Tang wore colorful and heavy makeup and the Song makeup was lighter and more elegant. In attire, the Tang followed revealed shape, used splendid colors and thin, transparent material. The Song exhibited a more simple design and was conservative and neat, using luxurious silk fabric with low chroma. In body shape, the Tang pursued the "beauty of obesity" with a voluptuous body shape; the Song pursued the "beauty of gaunt" with a slim body shape. As the result of the analysis according to the aesthetic views of the Tang and Song dynasties, women of Tang were depicted as rich, and women of Song were rather neat. The research on the aesthetic views that changed according to the development of social civilization and the status of women will play an active role in the transmission and development of traditional Chinese culture. At this point, the paper may contribute to the creation of images of women as well as changes in the art of future generations.
Shin, Hyunchur;Nomura, Michiyo;Kim, Il Kwon;Ki, Ho-Chul;Hong, Seung-jic
Korean Journal of Plant Taxonomy
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v.47
no.4
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pp.328-335
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2017
The Korean medicinal plant name written in Chinese script, Jingyo, is somewhat confusingly used in the Korean modern literature. This name was assigned to at least three species, with examples being Gentiana macrophylla, Aconitum pseudolaeve, and Justicia procumbens. To clarify the taxonomic identity of Jingyo, these names were examined based on the Chinese classics and Korean classics and compared them with the modern flora of both China and Korea. In China, Jingyo was considered as Justicia gendarussa or Gentiana macrophylla. In Korea, Jingyo was considered as A. pseudolaeve or J. procumbens. However, it was concluded that Jingyo is not distributed on the Korean Peninsula. In addition, although the Hangeul name Jinbeom was the result of the misreading of the Chinese script Jinbong, another Chinese term for Jingyo, this name is used in many modern studies related plant taxonomy. Hence, we also propose Jinbeom as the conserved Hangeul name of A. pseudolaeve.
The history of modern Korean 'kimchi' can be traced through the history of the wordforms 'dihi' (디히), 'dimchʌi' (딤?), and 'thimchʌi' (팀?) in ancient Korean texts. As native Korean words, the 'dihi' word line ('dihi', 'dii', 'jihi', and 'ji') constitutes an old substratum. This word line coexisted with the 'dimchʌi' word line (dimchʌi, jimchʌi, and kim∫chi) from the Hanja '沈菜'. 'Ji', which is the last word variation of 'dihi', and is still used today as the unique form in several Korean dialects. In standard Korean, however, it only serves as a suffix to form the derivative names of various kimchi types. 'Dimchʌi' is believed to have appeared around the $6^{th}-7^{th}$ centuries, when Silla began to master Chinese characters. Hence,'dimchʌi' reflects either the Archaic Chinese (上古音) or the Old Chinese (中古音) pronunciation of the Hanja, '沈菜'. With the palatalization of the plosive alveolar [t], 'dimchʌi' changed to 'jimchʌi'. The Yangban intellectuals' rejection of the palatalization of the plosive velar [k] led to the hypercorrection of 'jimchʌi' into 'kimchʌi'. It is precisely the hypercorrect 'kimchʌe' that gave the wordform 'kim∫chi', which has eventually become the standard and predominant form in today's Korean language. Regarding 'thimchʌe', it reflects the Middle Chinese (Yuan Dynasty) pronunciation of the Hanja '沈菜' and was used mainly in writing by Yangban intellectuals.
This study examined how Bangryeong(方領) had been changed from ancient times in China to the Joseon dynasty[朝鮮] in Korea by analyzing Bangryeong in literature, relics, paintings, etc. Based on this, we also analyzed the form of Bangryeong itself and clothes with Bangryeong using excavated relics from the Joseon dynasty. First, from early Chinese literature, it was confirmed that meaning of "Bangryeong" was a collar attached straight to a garment so that if the garment is put on with the fronts intercrossed with each other the back neck part of the collar is naturally squared. Second, from literature in the Joseon dynasty, it was confirmed that the meanings and forms of Bangryeong were diversified and had different characteristics throughout different time periods. Different from its original meaning in China, Bangryeong came to mean an intentionally designed square shape. Third, Bangryeong from the Yuan(燕) and Ming(明) Dynasties were found among relics excavated in China. Bangryeong from Yuan was Cheolik[帖裏] worn by men, and Bangryeong from Ming was found in women's dresses. Fourth, Bangryeong relics from the Joseon dynasty examines its form in detail. Bangryeong was found in various forms of clothes, and this was consistent with findings from literature review.
Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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v.52
no.4
/
pp.1-21
/
2021
This study traced the origin and transformation of word library linked with archives in the ancient Near East, and Greece and Rome. First, the word library has two origins. One is derived from the Latin bibliothēkē from the ancient Greek βιβλιοθήκη. The first trace is Pollux's Onomasticon in the second half of the 2nd century, and if considered as a set of literature texts, it is Lipsius's De Bibliothecis Syntagma in 1602. The other was established as an library in the early 14th century after Latin libraria (or librarium) was translated into Old French librairie (or librarie). The word library was coined by Chaucer in 1374. Second, the clay tablet repository that existed in the ancient Near East is close to an archive, but the official name is unknown. However, the Ashurbanipal clay tablet archive is far from the principle of respect for original order and origins emphasized by the archivists, so it is not a royal archive, but a prototype of the royal library. And the official name of the Library of Alexandria was 'Βιβλιοθήκη της Αλεξάνδρειας', and then it was changed to 'ALEXANDRINA BYBLIOTHECE'. Third, In ancient Greece and Rome, archives and libraries were separated. Greece libraries were at the level of a small libraries attached to gymnasiums, and had few independent titles. The names of the Roman libraries often attached to the public baths were mixed with βιβλιοθήκη and Bibliotheca. Finally, the ancient library was succeeded to the cathedral bibliothek, and was transformed into 'bayt al-hikmah' in the Islamic Empire. In Japan, China, and Korea, Japanese-Chinese word library was accepted at the end of the 19th century, but there are many issues that require follow-up research.
The purpose of this study is to discuss how Dongi People in ancient societies resided in the region including the Korean Peninsula shaped its economy, what kind of currency was used, and their economic activities using this currency. This study started from a skeptical point of view that the Dongi People were conducting economic activities with the currency used in the country made by the Jina People before and after the Gojoseon society. Currently, in China, all currencies issued in China are treated as their own currency. It is due to subjective interpretation from a nationalist point of view. Japan subjectively interprets and judges from a Japanese point of view and North Korea judges from the central point of view on the Korean Peninsula. This difference is due to the subjective interpretation from the researcher which has been affected by their associating academic area. This has caused the lack of objectivity. In other words, it means that there is a big difference in the perception of the interpretation of history between different academic areas. This study, therefore, tried to avoid the application of biased concept or academic research in order to define the distribution economics more objectively by conducting the study based on the literature sources from Chinese ancient books and field research materials as much as possible, as the study and research conducted based on the domestic sources are insufficient in the sense that there is a gap between different perceptions and interpretations. As a conclusion of this study, the excavation area of Myeong-do-jeon is perfectly consistent with the old river area of Gojoseon, and in particular, considering Gojoseon was in the hostile relationship with Yan, it was found that only Myeong-do-jeon was used without using any other Chinese currency in the entire Gojoseon area, not just some areas. It is also a decisive clue to prove that it is not the Yan currency. The limitation of this study in developing the discussion different from the current research and study is that there was a lack of exploration and investigation of various documents and relics. For future research, this study will become more meaningful when it is conducted simultaneously with the discovering of new documents as well as the relics.
The food used in the royal palace of Chosun dynasty(朝鮮王朝) are viewed from various aspects of the dishes for ordinary meal, royal banquet, reception for the foreign representatives, wedding feast, and ancestral rites. Unfortunately most of knowledge on the food used in the royal palace is not accurate as it had been delivered orally and includes only that of the late Chosun dynasty era. Accordingly more accurate knowledge on its historical change could be illustrated by the ancient literature, including uigue(full account, 儀軌), dungrok(memorandum, 膳錄) or balgi(list, 件記). Though it is different from the preparation of King´s dinner table in kitchen, the uigue on ordinary meal, while King Jungcho(正祖) and his troupe visited the Hwasung(華城) has been handed down as the literature on the ordinary meal of the royal palace. Twenty seven kinds of uigue and dungrok on royal banquet for a celebration, from the 45th year of Sook Jong(肅宗, 1715) to the 6th year of Kwang Moo(光武, 1902), remain & reveal the change of features on dishes and food materials for royal banquet. Twenty kinds of uigue and dungrok on foods for reception of Chinese representatives, from the first year of Kwang Hae Koon(光海君, 1609) to the 21st year of Injo(仁祖, 1643), remain and antedate those on foods for royal banquet approximately 100 years. These have been precious materials for historical view on foods used in the royal palace. Twenty kinds of dungrok and uigue of karaedogam(嘉禮都監), in which dishes, food materials, and table setting diagram for dongrae feast (同牢宴) were put on record, remain as the litherature of wedding feast. Wangchosilrok(dynastic record, 王朝實錄) and numerous kinds of uigue have been helpful for study on foods used in ancestral rites. Detailed kinds and cooking procedures of foods for ancestral rites were clearly explained in Taesangji(太常志). A full view on foods used in the royal palace will be reproduced only through analytic study of these ancient litheratures.
This study categorized and made considerations of the fermented soybean pastes into Meju, Chungjang, Si, mixed Jang, and other Jang in accordance with the manufacturing methods described in the fermented soybean paste section of Sangayorok (1450's), Suunjapbang (1540's) and Gyemiseo (1554). These are ancient cook books written in Chinese characters during the first half of the Joseon Dynasty. The content on the fermented soybean pastes recorded in these books included 24 items in Sangayorok, 11 items in Suunjapbang, and 14 items in Gyemiseo. In conclusion, the most important fermented soybean pastes during the first half of the Joseon Dynasty were those used to produce soy sauce-like seasoning for the purpose of a-chieving a salty taste with Meju made of soybeans as the main ingredient. The manufacturing techniques for such traditional fermented soybean pastes have been passed down through history to the present era.
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