This study intends to analyze the meaning of symbolism in ancestral memorial rite arrangemen from the view that ancestral worship connecting traditional society with modernity are the transmission of ritual. It appears as a change the theory of Yin-Yang and Five Elements that became the basis and ideology about the Confucian view of life and death, an understanding of the universe structure, and a change in the four seasons. Ancestral memorial rite arrangements acknowledge the existence of ancestors. And it is understood as a ceremonial instrument which the living and the dead communicate spatially with time through the symbolic system. In addition, the four seasons, spaces of the skyground and underground were symbolized and embodied through the selection and arrangement of ancestral memorial rites. In the modern ancestral memorial rite arrangement, the factors that determine the location require Time-space analysis of the target. This is because the offering is understood not only as a functional role but also as a temporal and spatial symbolism to be expressed through the offering. In this study, it is meaningful to consider it from the perspective of inheritance of ancestral worship culture through discussions about the ideological background and symbolic system that appeared in ancestral memorial rite arrangement
The ceremonies were roughly categorized into four: coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship. Among them, the funeral was a representative example to show ancestral worship. As it symbolizes the worship to ancestors, its procedure was complicated and formalized. It was undoubtedly certain that formalized mourning dresses and complicated table setting for sacrificial services to ancestors were burdens. Although what was symbolized by mourning dresses was different depending on the wearers purposes, it was thought that no clothing had such unusual symbolism as mourning dress. When the composition of mourning dress was examined, it was shown that Taoism, family relation of Confucianism or symbolic clothing system of Shamanism were combined. Mourning dress first represented the Confucian idea of ancestral worship. For the composition of clothing in which a shamanistic element was inherent, forms of birds were used to guide the dead soul to the other world. In cutting out mourning dress, opposite concepts of Yin and Yang, and closure and openness were used to show a harmony between heaven and the earth. Male and female were represented through sewing techniques. The period of observing the mourning period depended on the degree of kinship. The degree to which the clothing was loose indicated the degree of sadness and kinship. Load blocks and tear pads indicated the degree of sadness. In considering the above indicators, family relation and filial piety to ancestors had a great effect on the form and details of mourning dress. Shamanistic elements as well as Confucian ones were inherent in mourning dress, which resulted in the combination of Taoism and Confucianism.
Samkookyusa is a valuable book, which shows us ancestor's fomality, being folklorically highly evaluated. So I focus on this, look into Samkookyusa's formality especially the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship. Coming of age ceremony on Samkookyusa performed by a ruler or the nobilities whoes age are uncertainly assumed as thirteen, fifteen or eighteen. In the times, our own ways of ceremonies were performed by them. Marriage ceremony on Samkookyusa, especially king Sooro and Heohwangok's amrriage procedure shows a part of royal family's ceremony before Korea dynasty and have a precious meaning as the earliest outset. Through premarital relation between Yoohwa and Haemosoo shows that there was an non-arranged match for marriage. A record of a marriage between near relatives at the early Korea dynasty is worthy. The funeral ceremony record of king Hyeockgeose on Samkookyusa could be regarded as the first one. The record pointed that using a mound as feudal lords and king Talhae's funeral ceremony showed having Seagoljang customsand making a clay figure for the ceremony. Those facts are crucial documents as helping us understand our ancient time's funeral ceremonial customs. Ancestral ceremony on Samkookyusa, specific record about ancestral ceremony for king Sooro such as fomulas, procedures, ritual fields and foods, sanctuary and portrait is a worthful record to understand a side of national ancestral ceremony of the times. Samkookyusa is a valuable book ceremonially and folklorically to understand the ancient times' ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship.
This study interprets Siberian shaman costumes from the perspective of Siberian shamanism's spiritual culture by combining theoretical and empirical studies. According to the natural environment and language families, the Siberian people are classified into the Altai, Tungus, Ural, and Paleo-Siberian groups. Se Yin's research classifies the spiritual culture of Siberian shamanism as cosmic, spiritual, and nature view. Eliade's research has divided Siberian shaman costumes into form, headdress, and ornament. According to the present study, shaman costume form and decoration reflect the Siberian three-tiered cosmic view, such that the shaman's head, body and feet correspond to the upperworld, middleworld and underworld. In addition, animism, totemism and ancestral worship appear in the shamanism's spiritual view. For example, the costume's form shows the totem of each tribe, while the costume accessories reflect animal worship, plant worship and ancestral worship. Finally, shamanism's nature view mainly manifests through three processes: personification, deification, and ethics. As an intermediary between man and the spirits, shaman use their clothing to reproduce the image of half man and half spirit. The shaman's costumes are deified and considered to have divine power. For example, the animals represented on the costume help the shaman travel through space. Generally, good animals help a shaman enter the upperworld, while animals that help a shaman enter the underworld are considered evil. Also, the number of hanging accessories represents the shaman's ability.
In recent years, Korean traditional culture has been reviewed in many ways. And Great efforts have been made to form a culture suitable for the Koreans. With these tendencies, the interest in Korean traditional foods has been greater. So this paper is intended to identify and analyze the kinds, materials and cooking processes of the rice cakes needed for ancestral worship rites in the court of Choson Dynasty. The work is centered around the Tae-sang-ji written by Lee kun-myong in 1873-the 10th year since king kojong's coming to the throne. And we study such literatures on foods and cooking processes as Kyugon-si-ui-bang, Yo-rok, Jungbo-Sallim-Kyungjae, Kyuhap-Chongso, Si-ui-jon-so and so on. The results are compared and analyzed. Cooking processes and materials of Korean rice cakes in Choson Dynasty were various and had traditional characteristics. Rice cakes necessarily needed for various rites were called pyun especially when they were used for ancestral worship. And many different kinds of Pyun were used according to seasons. There were nineteen kinds of rice cakes used for ancestral worship in the court: Gu-i-Byung, Bun-ja-Byung, Baek-Byung and so on. The six; Gu-i-Byung, Bun-ja-Byung, Sam-sik-Byung, Yi-sik-Byung, Baek-Byung and Huk Byung were essential for the great rites at Jong-myo and Young-nyung-Jeon and so they were highly thought of. Main materials of these six were rice, glutinousrice, sorghum and wheat flour. Cooking processes of the rice cakes above mentioned can be classified into frying, beating, boiling, steaming, etc. Powder for covering rice cakes was made of bean, pine nut, sesame and red bean, of which bean was made the greatest use of. If was very wise of them to use these kinds of powder, for they supply protein and lipid of which rice cakes are destitute and they also add colors and good tastes to rice cakes. But Korean traditional rice cakes are less used as the thought of rites has changed and various kinds of desserts have been developed. And yet there is no denying the fact that even now rice cakes play a great role in traditional formalities.
The survey on the practice of the memorial ceremonial food in Chuncheon area showed it varied according to social position of officiator, location(inland or seaside town) , and personal condition. The study included the foods prepared for the memorial services on the memorial day. New Year's Day and Chusok. 1. 40.4% of the subjects were in the thirties at their age, 46.6% were high school graduates, 57.3% were the first daughter-in-law, 40.4% had no religion, 30.9% were working at public administration and earned less than 1 to 1,5 million won monthly. 2. 71.7% of the subjects who replied that the ancestor worship service had to be kept were Buddhists. 55.4% of them were high school graduates, and 58.8% of them ran independent businesses. They learned how to practice the ancestor worship service from their mother before marriage or from their parents-in-law after marriage. 3. The older the officiators, the better they wanted to keep the traditional format of the service, but the Christians and Catholics wanted to change the format to western style in the future. 4. 92.7% of them served cooked milled rice. They prepared the soup in the order of beef soup, radish soup and dried Alaskan pollack soup. 5. Among cooked vegetable dishes, bracken was used the most and balloonflower root, mung bean sprout and spinach followed. Among jeon(pan-fried foods). frozen Alaskan pollack was used the most and buckwheat, mung bean and meatball followed. 6. They served san-juk(beef kebab) mostly on the ceremony. Among the grilled foods, tofu was the favorite, and croaker followed. 7. Among the fried foods. squid was the favorite, and sweet-potato and shrimp followed. Among the dried foods. they used in the order of dried Alaskan pollack, dried beef and squid. 8. Among the rice cake and traditional confectionery, they used in the order of Yak-sik(sweet rice cake), Gang-jeong(fried glutinous rice cookie), Jeol-pyun and In-jeol-mee. Among a beverage, they served Sik-hye(fermented rice drink) mostly. 9. Among fruits, apples. jujube, chestnut and dried persimmon were served. Aong a liquor, Cheongju was served mostly. 10. Soy sauce, salt and salted fermented fish were served, too.
This study mainly examined the unit space (room) called 'MARI' of the private houses that were built between the 19c and the early 20c in the insular areas of southwestern sea. Generally, this region has unique historicity (restructure of the insular environment in the 17c and the 18c) and geographic environment that are different from inland regions thus the environment is presumed as a related factor to developments and structures of the private houses. 'MARI' is a noticeable space that is installed in a main building without an exception even in small 3 bedroom private houses. Its nature has location and usage distinctions in an architectural plan with similar 'MARU' of inland Jeollanam-Do. There are large crocks filled with grains at MARI. Thus, MARI is a storage room. Mostly rice and various other kinds of grains are stored in the several crocks, large and small. Many household goods are kept here as well. Another peculiar function of MARI is that this space commonly enshrines ancestral tablets of three generations. Hence, MARI takes a role of a shrine of an aristocratic house from an inland region. Considering the size of the house and space, this seems to be a very unprecedented utilization of area. MARI is located at the top (at the head of the house) on the floor plan. In other words, it is located at the space in the highest rank. The importance of ancestor worship and grains is evinced architecturally. It is really interesting fact that MARI is also located within recently built modern houses (Cheongsan Island, Joyak Island, etc.). Therefore, it can be said that the unique MARI tradition of this region has an intact continuity even today. After all, MARI has a great significance as a unique unit space of insular areas of southwestern sea that is installed in the main buildings of all houses regardless of size and shape of the houses, and their insular locations.
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
/
v.2
no.1
/
pp.53-70
/
2016
There has been many researchs about "朱子家禮" providing the basic mannerism in Josun Dynasty era and influencing rituals to communicate ancestors. However, the arrangement of ritual has not been researched and understood as formality. In this study, the Yin, Yang and the five element theory was researched in the perspective of understanding in the universe order and ancient astronomy that provided the academic basic and idea in the era to understand the arrangement of the ritual, and based on this, the arrangement in "朱子家禮" was analysed. As a result, it was confirmed that the arrangement in ritual was made by the structure of symbol of Yin, Yang and five elements, which is the logic of order in universe people understood at that time. Through this, by understanding the meaning of the arrangement in ritual, the ritual culture would be properly understood and passed to next generation despite of changes in culture.
Through a field study of the folk houses, 'Closed ㄱㄴ Type' in Goyang-si, Gyonggj-do, focused on the dweller's life by the method of ethnographic interview, observation, and physical survey. L and opposite L type of inner and outer buildings form a closed inner court, and innermost backyard for woman is enclosed by fence. Form and space of the house contains dweller's traditional life. Outer space of a front gate becomes semiprivate space, for thrashing and piling up harvest and raising vegetables and pigs. Confucius principle does not fully dominate dweller's life of ancestral rite at Daecheong floor, and separation of man's and woman's quarter. Superstitious worship activities took place for lord of site and house. In everyday life, Anbang, inner main room, is assigned for parent's quarter instead of woman's quarter, and Geornbang, next room, was for son's family. Anbang has symbolic meaning for a place of deathbed. House contains agricultural activities, crop harvesting, thrashing, putting into storage, hulling rice, and keeping grain near kitchen. At present, rooms are needed more; sheds are made into rooms, rooms are enlarged toward outside, half outside space like Daechong floor becomes interior space by sash screen. And modern facilities of kitchen and bathroom are equipped for convenience. At the end, meaning and generative principle of those forms are discovered.
This study investigated the characteristics of main house food cultures in Gyeonggi-do using a case study on the head family. The subject of this study was selected through an advisory committee of experts; it incorporated intangible and tangible elements of the main family based on relevant data. Selected representative main house of Gyeonggi-do had 12 parts in total. The entire investigation was conducted in five parts; literature search, telephone survey, in-depth interviews, inheritance food research of the head family, and cuisine demonstrations. Twelve families within the researched family clan had members of high merit or scholarly reputation qualified enough to serve bulcheonwi, a form of important religious worship. Food in Gyeonggi-do, specifically, can be served for Bongjesa jeopbingaek, which is a combination of performance of ancestral rites and greeting guests. Meat ingredients were frequently used. Articles of clothing were colorful and vivid, with wootgi that needed lots of work. Soup and steamed dishes tended to favor simple but fresh tastes that come with their cultural and historical context.
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