• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.36 no.11
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• pp.157-182
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• 1998

The primary goal of this study is to identify disintegration and reconstruction of the family/kinship structure in the rapidly industrializing urban area, Seoul. For this purpose, detailed data about (1) the value related to the family and kinship (2) the family relationship, especially marital relationship (3) the attitude of divorce and remarriage (4) the characteristics of the social network (5) the family/kin rites and attitude about the rites are gathered. A total of 716 subjects completed structured questionnaires. Major conclusions of the study are as follows: Firstly, most of the respondents are found not to support familism and boy preference, and they show an ambivalence about the child value analyzed by concepts of the cost and reward. Secondly, most of the respondents perceive that marital relationship has been changed toward the direction of increased relative importance of wives' opinion in the decision making process within the family. However, they believe that husbands still have more power than their wives. Respondents also believe that parents have more power than their children. Thirdly, most of the respondents view divorce as an altemative to unhappy marriage. It was also shown that relatively few have negative attitude toward remarriage. Fourthly, the social network of the respondents is characterized by two distinct trends, namely, strong parent-child ties and narrowed kin relationship. Fifthly, the urbanization and the introduction of western life style have disrupted the traditional rites of passage. But ancestral rites serve to confirm family ties, especially the gathering of siblings to perform ancestral rites for parents. Therefore foreign element exist in parallel with pre-existing traditional elements.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-29
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• 1986

The food used in the royal palace of Chosun dynasty(朝鮮王朝) are viewed from various aspects of the dishes for ordinary meal, royal banquet, reception for the foreign representatives, wedding feast, and ancestral rites. Unfortunately most of knowledge on the food used in the royal palace is not accurate as it had been delivered orally and includes only that of the late Chosun dynasty era. Accordingly more accurate knowledge on its historical change could be illustrated by the ancient literature, including uigue(full account, 儀軌), dungrok(memorandum, 膳錄) or balgi(list, 件記). Though it is different from the preparation of King´s dinner table in kitchen, the uigue on ordinary meal, while King Jungcho(正祖) and his troupe visited the Hwasung(華城) has been handed down as the literature on the ordinary meal of the royal palace. Twenty seven kinds of uigue and dungrok on royal banquet for a celebration, from the 45th year of Sook Jong(肅宗, 1715) to the 6th year of Kwang Moo(光武, 1902), remain & reveal the change of features on dishes and food materials for royal banquet. Twenty kinds of uigue and dungrok on foods for reception of Chinese representatives, from the first year of Kwang Hae Koon(光海君, 1609) to the 21st year of Injo(仁祖, 1643), remain and antedate those on foods for royal banquet approximately 100 years. These have been precious materials for historical view on foods used in the royal palace. Twenty kinds of dungrok and uigue of karaedogam(嘉禮都監), in which dishes, food materials, and table setting diagram for dongrae feast (同牢宴) were put on record, remain as the litherature of wedding feast. Wangchosilrok(dynastic record, 王朝實錄) and numerous kinds of uigue have been helpful for study on foods used in ancestral rites. Detailed kinds and cooking procedures of foods for ancestral rites were clearly explained in Taesangji(太常志). A full view on foods used in the royal palace will be reproduced only through analytic study of these ancient litheratures.

• 한국환경농학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2011.07a
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• pp.3-20
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• 2011

Soil in Jeju Island is largely classified into dark brown non-volcanic ash soil weathered by basalt, dark brown ash soil and black volcanic ash soil origin from volcanic ash. Non-volcanic ash soil is similar to main land soil which can cultivate rice and barely, however, volcanic ash soil is very sterile therefore even barely cultivation is impossible. Although dolmen distribution, ancestral rites, folk songs and agricultural methods can be clearly classed into regional characteristics, it is hard to adduce humanistic sociological basis. However, regional characteristics can be classified by using soil physic-chemical properties of non-volcanic ash soil and volcanic ash soil. Non-volcanic ash soil region relatively has cheerful folk song, dolmen is found and bunjitgeori ancestral rites are common. One the other hand, there are no dolmen are found in volcanic ash soil area. Sad shamanistic song such as Jinsadetsori is common and firstborn-son takes the lead in ancestral rites in this area. This lesson interprets socio-cultural difference using soil environment.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.1-22
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to offer basic data on family rite education, as well as to suggest future directions for family rites by surveying differences in the understanding and the practice of family rites among female undergraduates, who will be the future leaders of our society. General proclivity toward, and differences between understanding and practice of family rites, as well as the effect of socio-demographic variables on these differences, were further verified with a one-way ANOVA, a t-test, and a Duncan's Multiple Range Test. This study had two main findings. First, the gap between understanding and practice in family rites, ordered from largest to smallest by sub-sphere, was found to be: coming-of-age ceremonies, birthday rituals, ancestral rituals, funeral rites, and wedding ceremonies. Second, as for the results of the analysis of the difference between understanding and practice of family rites in female undergraduates according to socio-demographic variables, among a total of 18 variables, significant differences were found in: own religion, brother's rank, mother's religion, father's religion, mother's job, place where the individual grew up, having experienced family rites, education. place of residence, and monthly income. In the face of a changing era and environment, the basic spirit of family rites has not changed. However, a new harmony between tradition and modem times is needed. This can be achieved through the establishment of a suitable form of rites for the present age, while taking on a modem acceptance of the significance traditionally associated with these rites.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.125-133
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• 1988

In recent years, Korean traditional culture has been reviewed in many ways. And Great efforts have been made to form a culture suitable for the Koreans. With these tendencies, the interest in Korean traditional foods has been greater. So this paper is intended to identify and analyze the kinds, materials and cooking processes of the rice cakes needed for ancestral worship rites in the court of Choson Dynasty. The work is centered around the Tae-sang-ji written by Lee kun-myong in 1873-the 10th year since king kojong's coming to the throne. And we study such literatures on foods and cooking processes as Kyugon-si-ui-bang, Yo-rok, Jungbo-Sallim-Kyungjae, Kyuhap-Chongso, Si-ui-jon-so and so on. The results are compared and analyzed. Cooking processes and materials of Korean rice cakes in Choson Dynasty were various and had traditional characteristics. Rice cakes necessarily needed for various rites were called pyun especially when they were used for ancestral worship. And many different kinds of Pyun were used according to seasons. There were nineteen kinds of rice cakes used for ancestral worship in the court: Gu-i-Byung, Bun-ja-Byung, Baek-Byung and so on. The six; Gu-i-Byung, Bun-ja-Byung, Sam-sik-Byung, Yi-sik-Byung, Baek-Byung and Huk Byung were essential for the great rites at Jong-myo and Young-nyung-Jeon and so they were highly thought of. Main materials of these six were rice, glutinousrice, sorghum and wheat flour. Cooking processes of the rice cakes above mentioned can be classified into frying, beating, boiling, steaming, etc. Powder for covering rice cakes was made of bean, pine nut, sesame and red bean, of which bean was made the greatest use of. If was very wise of them to use these kinds of powder, for they supply protein and lipid of which rice cakes are destitute and they also add colors and good tastes to rice cakes. But Korean traditional rice cakes are less used as the thought of rites has changed and various kinds of desserts have been developed. And yet there is no denying the fact that even now rice cakes play a great role in traditional formalities.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.92-128
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• 2024

This study examines Gijesa, a Korean tradition of memorial worship for departed ancestors, from the perspective of analytical psychology. To understand the psychological background of ancestral rites, a literature search was conducted to examine the basis for ancestral spirits, the objects of ancestral rites, the symbolic meaning of the customs and practice of Gijesa, and the contents of volume 3 of the book Jhuza-uryu about 'Ghosts and Ancestral Rituals'. Gijesa, the Korean ancestor worship, may appear as a complicated formal ritual, but it reveals a psychological phenomenon of individuation. Gijesa facilitates a conversation between descendants and ancestors, bridging the conscious and the unconscious, leading to a realization of totality. The creative aspect of spirit worship lies in the 'realization of the individuation process' in that it fosters a connection with the collective unconscious, the root of consciousness. When an individual develops into a new integrated personality, we could gain strength from the support of ancestors, the support of the unconscious. The relationship with the spirits of ancestors is essential because consciousness has an important relationship with its root, the collective unconscious, especially for those of us living in an era of chaos where the fundamental meaning of human existence is lost due to rationalism and materialism.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.488-498
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• 2014

The research aimed to provide accurate and basic data comparing different perceptions of head family's food and food for religious ceremonies depending on age with the goal of sustaining traditional Korean food in the future. The gender distribution of the participants was 274 Males (42.5%) and 370 Females (57.5%). Age distribution was 211 participants (32.7%) in their 20s, 215 participants (33.3%) in their 30 to 40s, and 220 participants (34%) in their 50 to 60s. The older generation appeared to beaware of the definition of head family or 'The eldest's house of head family' as well as the concept of one's family five generations ago with more reductive and emphasis than imaginary concept of head family of the younger generation. The image of the head family was perceived as 'head family's food' in younger generations and as 'eldest son' in older generations. Family role and meaning most often manifested as 'succession of tradition' and 'cultural symbols' in younger generations, respectively, whereas older generations responded 'hallmark of the head family'. Family ancestral rites and head family's food had positive effects on awareness of head family's food. Moreover, those with experience in practicing family ancestral rites responded that head family's food should be more popular. People who viewed family's food more positively were more open with the idea thathead family's food could go mainstream. In conclusion, positive perception of head family's food and traditional pride are crucial environmental factors in public support of popularizing head family's food to the public.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.1
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• pp.152-164
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• 2014

Korean people have revered the white color and enjoyed wearing white clothes. Various kinds of white clothes have been worn by the Korean people, ranging from everyday wear(便服), and scholar's robe(深衣) for the upper class, to religious costumes like Buddhist monk's robe(僧服), shaman costumes(巫服) and costumes for ancestral rites(祭服), or mourning(喪服). There have been many differing opinions by historians regarding the background of this Baekeuihosang(白衣好尙, the preference for white clothing) tradition and even now, it is frequently being discussed. This study aims to consider and discuss the background of this Baekeuihosang tradition, focusing on Chang-seon Yoo's Baekeuigo(白衣考, the consideration of white clothing), which was published in Dong-A Ilbo in 1934. The purposes of studying literature such as the Baekeuigo is to analyze the arguments on the origin of Baekeuihosang, to analyze Chang-seon Yoo's claim of its origin, and to discuss the culture of Baekeuihosang. Chang-seon Yoo claimed that the existing discussions on the background of Baekeuihosang based on the lack of dyes, or undeveloped technique, economic privation and national control strayed from historical facts, according to literature review. It is not worth discussing the farfetched arguments such as the use of costumes for ancestral rites as everyday wears, or the nation of sorrow. Baekeuihosang tradition mostly originated from the effects of many religions and the taste for innocence, or naturalness. White clothes were infused with the sorrow and emotion of Korean people and were also worn to show resistance to foreign power as symbols of ethnicity. Therefore, there should be a new view of the discussion of white clothes and Korean aesthetic sense, away from the logic distorted by the Japanese colonial view of history.