• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.446-464
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to verify the multi-mediated effects of human rights sensitivity and peer-coordination in the relationship between teenagers' school violence experience and cyberbullying in order to find alternatives to prevent cyberbullying as teenagers increase their use of smartphones. In order to achieve this research goal, four middle schools were selected by the education office located in downtown Busan and analyzed on 908 middle school students. The results of the study are as follows. First, school violence experiences have been shown to affect cyberbullying. Second, the experience of abuse and neglect during school violence affected human rights sensitivity, but the experience of damage did not affect human rights sensitivity. Third, among school violence experiences, the experience of damage and abuse influenced peer co-operation, but the experience of sitting on the sidelines did not affect peer co-operation. Fourth, human rights sensitivity affected cyberbullying. Fifth, peer groupings affected cyberbullying. Sixth, human rights sensitivity influenced peer-reaction. Seventh, among human rights sensitivities, bystander experience and cyberbullying were found to be mediating bystander experience and cyberbullying, but the damage experience and abuse experience did not have a mediating effect in human rights sensitization and cyberbullying. Eighth, peer cooperation was found to be mediating cyberbullying, but there was no mediating effect between on-the- sidelines experience and cyberbullying. Ninth, human rights sensitivity and peer creation are shown to mediate the relationship between on-the- sidelines experience and cyberbullying sequentially. However, human rights sensitivity and peer creation did not mediate cyberbullying sequentially between the experience of damage and the experience of perpetration. The implications of this study were to verify the effects of teenagers' school violence damage experience, abuse experience, and bystander experience on cyberbullying, and multiple interventions of human rights sensitivity and peer group.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.23-40
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• 2022

Many constructed wetlands have been installed in dam reservoirs nationwide for ecological purification of watershed pollutants, but aging and reduced efficiency are becoming issues. To improve the management of constructed wetlands, an objective evaluation of structural suitability is required. This study evaluated 39 constructed wetlands of 15 dams. First, through fogus group interview(FGI), survey analysis, and analytic hierarchy process(AHP), eight evaluation items in the physical and vegetative aspects were selected and the evaluation criteria applied with weights were prepared. Second, as a result of the structural suitability evaluation, the average score of the overall constructed wetlands was 80.8, with 10 sites rated as 'good grade(91~100)', 22 sites rated as 'normal grade(71~90)' and 7 sites rated as 'poor grade(70 or less)'. The average score of physical structure evaluation was 52.6, with 14 sites rated as 'good', 21 sites as 'normal' and 4 sites as 'poor'. The suitability of location was good level in most constructed wetlands, but the water supply system, depth of water, ratio of length-to-width, and slope of flow channel were evaluated as 'normal' or less in constructed wetlands of 50% or more. Therefore, it was found that overall improvement was necessary for stable flow supply and flow improvement in the constructed wetland. The average score of vegetative structure evaluation was 28.2, and about 84% of them were identified as 'normal' or lower. As a result of analyzing the Spearman's correlation coefficient between the physical structure evaluation score and the vegetation structure evaluation score, there was a significant correlation(r = 0.728, p < 0.001), and it was found that each evaluation factor also influences each other. As a result of the case review of 6 constructed wetlands, the appropriateness of the evaluation results was confirmed, and it was found that the location, flow rate supply, and type of wetland had a great influence on the efficiency and operation of the wetland. Through this study, it will be possible to derive structural weaknesses of constructed wetlands in dam reservoirs as a nature-based solution, to prepare types and practical alternatives for improved management of each constructed wetland in the future, and to contribute to enhancing various environmental functions.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.115-162
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• 2022

The Rules of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK), revised at the eighth Party Congress in 2021, reflect the Kim Jong Un regime's changes in strategic lines and ideological justifications on North Korea's socialism and communism, and its recent stances against the external environment. Moreover, they contain critical changes in the party's organizational system encompassing the central and the provinces. This study explores the organizational changes of the "monolithic guidance system of the party core" stipulated by the new party rules in January 2021, based on the analysis of the entire nine revised rules of the WPK since 1945. In the 2021 Party Congress, the Kim Jong Un regime, which officially came to power after the fourth Party Conference in 2012, has institutionalized the monolithic guidance system centered on the party core, or the head of state, Kim Jong Un. The newly set leadership and execution system, which reorganized party, government, and military organizational structure and accompanied the relevant personnel changes, was derived from the attempts for reinstating the Kim Jong Un regime as a more normalized party-state structure before its 10th year in power in April 2022. The "monolithic leadership system of the party core" established a system of "organizational leadership" through the organization of the Central Committee, directed by the Party Head, or General Secretary. The institutionalization of the new system resulted from the ten-year development of the revival of the party-state structure, which compromised the status of the military and reconfirmed the party's control of the military. This study explains the new system from the perspectives of both institutionalization and top-down unity, shedding light on the new party-military-government relations of the Kim Jong Un regime. The analysis contributes to a better understanding and forecasting of the Kim Jong Un regime's governance, which currently strengthens the monolithic leadership system as a crisis management system in the face of the "triple hardships" of sanctions, Covid and disaster.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.69-114
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• 2022

This paper analyzes Taiwan's 「New Southbound Policy」 from the perspective of 'balancing' and 'bandwagoning' in international politics. Specifically, it examines the changes and characteristics of 'Southbound policies' that have continued since the period of the Lee Teng-hui(李登輝) administration, and examines the meaning of the New Southbound Policy promoted by the Tsai Ing-wen(蔡英文) administration. Taiwan's foreign policy has been strongly influenced by external variables such as U.S.-China relations. Previous Taiwanese governments have actively promoted Southbound policies to advance to Southeast Asian countries such as ASEAN with the aim of 'De-Sinicization', but have not achieved much results. This is because variables such as cooperative U.S.-China relations and strong checks from China played a role at the time. In this environment, Taiwan had to pursue an appropriate 'balancing' between the United States, China, and Southeast Asian countries. However, since the inauguration of the Trump administration, strategic competition between the U.S. and China has been maximized, creating a new space for Taiwan's foreign policy. This is because the U.S. valued cooperation with Taiwan in the process of embodying the 'Indo-Pacific Strategy' to curb China's rise. The New Southbound Policy promoted by the Tsai Ing-won administration is different from the existing Southbound policies in that it seeks to link with the U.S. India-Pacific Strategy and attempts to advance to South Asian countries such as India. From an international political point of view, the Tsai Ing-won administration's New Southbound Policy can be interpreted as a 'bandwagoning' to the United States, not a balanced strategy between the U.S. and China. Strategic competition between the U.S. and China is expected to intensify for a considerable period of time in the future, and honeymoon between Taiwan and the U.S. are also expected to continue. Taiwan's bandwagoning strategy, which actively pursues a link between the New Southbound Policy and the India-Pacific Strategy, is also expected to be maintained.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.70
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• pp.107-140
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• 2022

This study is a review of the role of Christian education in the face of ecological crisis and the task of its recovery from the perspective of Moltmann's creation theory. Mankind has achieved epoch-making industrial development through several industrial revolutions. However, as a result, the ecosystem has suffered severe physical aches and has reached the point of revealing anomalies. In the face of such destruction and suffering of the ecosystem, Christian education needs to approach the ecological sensitivity toward the natural world more holistically and present a practical alternative. Moltmann reminds us that today's growing exploitation of nature by humans stems from a human-centered ecological consciousness that the world belongs to humans. At the same time, it suggests a transition to a God-centered ecological world consciousness. 'A community of creation', 'the fellowship of the Triune God', and 'eschatological new creation through the Sabbath' are key concepts that integrate God-centered ecological world consciousness. Based on Moltmann's creation theory, this article examines the ecological sensibility that Christian education should pursue from the point of view of the sacramental creative community, and reviews the role and practical alternatives of Christian education. Through this, it was derived that the world, including humans, is not owned by humans, but is a sacramental community that is built together toward the end as a part of nature and reveals the glory of God. In addition, it was suggested that Christian education need to be recognized as a suffering subject which mediates humanity and the nature of the mutual fellowship of reconciliation. in the fellowship of God. Sabbath keeping education, which celebrates God's creation and aims for the completion of the eschatological creation, will become a practical area for Christian education to practice for the restoration of the collapsed ecosystem. Moltmann's creation theory is significant in that it provides a meaningful Christian educational insight to restore the ecological environment as well as interest in the ecological environment that has been overlooked or ignored by Christian education.

• Journal of Wetlands Research
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.145-158
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• 2023

Constructed wetlands (CWs) are effective technologies for urban wastewater management, utilizing natural physico-chemical and biological processes to remove pollutants. This study employed a bibliometric analysis approach to investigate the progress and future research trends in the field of CWs. A comprehensive review of 100 most-recently published and open-access articles was performed to analyze the performance of CWs in treating wastewater. Spain, China, Italy, and the United States were among the most productive countries in terms of the number of published papers. The most frequently used keywords in publications include water quality (n=19), phytoremediation (n=13), stormwater (n=11), and phosphorus (n=11), suggesting that the efficiency of CWs in improving water quality and removal of nutrients were widely investigated. Among the different types of CWs reviewed, hybrid CWs exhibited the highest removal efficiencies for BOD (88.67%) and TSS (95.67%), whereas VSSF, and HSSF systems also showed high TSS removal efficiencies (83.25%, and 78.83% respectively). VSSF wetland displayed the highest COD removal efficiency (71.82%). Generally, physical processes (e.g., sedimentation, filtration, adsorption) and biological mechanisms (i.e., biodegradation) contributed to the high removal efficiency of TSS, BOD, and COD in CW systems. The hybrid CW system demonstrated highest TN removal efficiency (60.78%) by integrating multiple treatment processes, including aerobic and anaerobic conditions, various vegetation types, and different media configurations, which enhanced microbial activity and allowed for comprehensive nitrogen compound removal. The FWS system showed the highest TP removal efficiency (54.50%) due to combined process of settling sediment-bound phosphorus and plant uptake. Phragmites, Cyperus, Iris, and Typha were commonly used in CWs due to their superior phytoremediation capabilities. The study emphasized the potential of CWs as sustainable alternatives for wastewater management, particularly in urban areas.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.273-300
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• 2018

In order to analyze the experience of women from the provinces settling in Seoul, the current study conducts in-depth interviews on seven women who are working in Seoul after coming up to Seoul to attend and graduate from university. The results of the interview were analyzed using grounded theory methodology, under which the open coding extracted one hundred ten concepts, twenty-one sub-categories, and eleven categories encompassing them all. Causal condition is 'difficulty of settling in Seoul' and contextual conditions are 'intensification of psychological anxiety', 'reduction in quality of life', and 'continuation of economic instability'. The central phenomenon is 'dilemma of continuing life in Seoul' and intervening condition is 'diagnosis of ten years after coming up to Seoul'. Action/interaction strategies are 'changes in personal life', 'securing economic abilities through a stable job', and 'finding ways to participate in the society', while the result was 'choosing whether to continue living in Seoul'. The paradigm of experience of women from the provinces settling in Seoul proceed from coming up to Seoul for university to becoming independent, adapting to life in the city, experiencing growth and failures, facing challenge and searching for solutions, and conducting self-evaluation and making new choices. The participants reported that they were aware of differences and experienced anxieties as a stranger in Seoul even after living in the city for ten years; the problems they face have become more complex and diverse since when they were in university, and while they launched a career and making money, the gap between them and their peers from Seoul has not closed. The women also express desperation that they may need to leave Seoul to find alternatives to problems caused by accumulated stress and social problems that cannot be solved by an individual. In conclusion, the current study confirmed that efforts by individuals can only have limited effects in helping women from the provinces to settle in Seoul, indicating that detailed policy plans are required to solve social issues in the overall Korean society.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.229-258
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• 2023

For the main countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the United States, China and Russia, a situation of "new normality" is emerging. Moreover, for each of the countries, this "new normality" has its own meaning. For the United States, this is an aggravation of the military confrontation with China in the Taiwan Strait. For China, this is an increase in the degree of rivalry with the United States and a slowdown in the pace of economic development with a very high probability of their decline in the future. For Russia, this is an almost complete curtailment of relations with the United States against the background of a special military operation and imposed sanctions. These nuances, in addition to the results of the 20th CPC Congress, will determine the main trends in Sino-American and Sino-Russian relations. It seems that China's attitude towards Russia will not change against the background of the Ukrainian crisis. Beijing will maintain a position of "benevolent neutrality" towards Moscow. At the same time, the balance between "goodwill" and "neutrality" may vary depending on the scope of Sino-Russian cooperation. For example, in the economic sphere, Chinese companies will be afraid to cooperate with Russian partners for fear of secondary sanctions. However, in general, Russia will retain its importance for China as the strongest anti-American pole. In relations with the United States, China will continue to firmly defend its interests, while at the same time not excluding the normalization of relations with Washington in certain areas of cooperation: strategic stability, non-traditional threats, ecology, etc. In general, the decisions of the 20th CPC Congress do not allow us to say either in favor or against the idea of China's readiness to resume dialogue with the United States in the post-congress period. Sino-American relations, as noted above, have their own logic and will probably continue to develop within its framework. However, so are Sino-Russian relations. Within the framework of these logics, Beijing seems to continue to balance between the two vectors of its foreign policy. On the one hand, this is the development of bilateral cooperation with Russia in order to strengthen its own negotiating positions in the confrontation with the United States: military cooperation with an emphasis on joint exercises, political cooperation based on anti-Americanism, economic cooperation with an eye to the risks of secondary sanctions. On the other hand, it is unacceptable for China to recognize the collapse of Ukraine, the inadmissibility of a direct military clash with the United States and the extreme undesirability of further aggravation of relations with the United States on the factor of Chinese friendship with Russia.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.115-145
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• 2023

The 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (hereafter referred to as "the 20th National Congress") was under the global spotlight long before it was held for seven days from 16 to 22 October 2022. People wondered whether Xi Jinping would secure a third term as China's leader or whether he would lay the foundations to be in power forever during the third term. In Korea, the press and media questioned whether the event would become the "crowning of Emperor Xi (Xi Huangdi)," whose power rivaled that of the first emperor in China, Shi Hunagdi, and featured the scene where Hu Jintao was forced to leave the venue during the Congress. On the other hand, many Korean academics focused more on how Xi would organize the Politburo and its Standing Committee and whether the outline of his heirs would appear during the event. This tendency in academia in turn worsened the media's concerns. This paper presents a quantitative analysis of the 20th National Congress Report, as opposed to an analysis of Xi's political intentions at the event. The National Congress Report outlines the Party's visions, goals, and strategies for the next five years in politics, economy, society, culture, foreign affairs, and relationship with Taiwan. The authoritative document is rich in narrative and logic and deserves academic study. This research analyzes the 18th, 19th, and 20th Reports by identifying their keywords and regular expressions and checking their frequency and percentage through text-mining methods. This approach enables the quantification and visualization of the significant changes in the Party's sovereign vision over the fifteen years of Xi's rule from 2013 to 2027.