• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.129-154
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• 2014

The study examined Daxuezhalu written by ShiTan Li Shen-Yi. Three different editions of Daxuezhalu were looked into, one of which in Shitanji("石灘集") could be considered methodical, if not perfect. In addition, Guojirucangben("國際儒藏本" as goudou(句讀) and correction was made on its wrong contents through dainjiao(點校) by WangXinzhu(王心竹). For these reasons, Daxuezhalu in Shitanji was used as the basis for the study and Guojirucangben as a supplement. Explanatory notes were added to Daxuezhangjuxu("大學章句序") in Daxuezhalu, but consent cannot be given to some of them, which include the author's opinion that views Jing(敬) as essence of Xiaoxue("小學") and Daxue("大學"), and the unique interpretation of Zhangju(章句), which can be attributed to the fact that the author didn't revise Daxuezhalu after writing it at the age of 37. However, the explanatory notes on xin(心), xing(性), qing(情), zhi(志) and yi(意) in An(按) toward the end of Daxuezhangjuxu are considered unique. The followings in Jingwen(經文) were examined as questionable. ShiTan(石灘) reflected on the ways to reach zhishan(至善) as in the table that shows Sangangling(三綱領), which may be viewed as distinctive. The review of zhizhijie('知止'節) reveals that ShiTan(石灘) followed Zhuzi(朱子) on the issue of whether to relocate zhizhijie('知止'節) through his interpretation for leaving it where it was. The same was applied regarding tizhi(體制) in chuanwen(傳文) by following Zhuzi(朱子)'s argument on Daxuezhangju("大學章句"). While the tendency to divide it into zhi(知) and hang(行) was seen, there was difficulty in thorough understanding with all the comments being in goujie(句節). It is considered overreaction that he argued in favor of shen(?) without any comments on Gewuzhizhibuwangzhang("格物致知補忘章"), although he mentioned characters, jin(謹) and shen(?) unlike Zhuzi(朱子).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.295-318
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to define the 'caligraphy as a modern concept of art. For this purpose, it was necessary to exclude the elements betraying 'the caligraphy as a pure art' in reference to 'autonomy' as an indicator of modernity in order to reflect on the current topology of the caligraphy in our age. Checking the current conditions facing the caligraphy from the pre-modern, modern and post-modern perspectives will clarify the current topology of the caligraphy and further exploring 'the caligraphy as a post-modern art concept. To this end, this study defines the caligraphy 'as a pure formative art' and thereby discusses it in terms of nature and form. In terms of nature, the caligraphy should be subsumed into a spacial art, but it has a nature of a temporal art created and appreciated over time. Hence, among the spacial arts, the painting is most similar to the caligraphy, while among the temporal arts, the caligraphy is most similar to such rhythmic (of high mobility) or performing arts as music and dance. Merely, the painting does not reveal the flow of time on the canvas, while music and dance leave no residual in terms of audibility and visuality. All in all, the caligraphy is sort of 'temporal-spacial art' like dance in that the visible letters express the artist's sense of life on the plane over time like music. In terms of form, this study compares the caligraphy with engraving, wood print and character design to define the caligraphy as a pure art concept. The caligraphy as a modern art concept, namely, the autonomy of the caligraphy is associated with legibility and meaning in addition to the question whether it is an applied or a pure art. The legibility and meaning of the characters are not only the essential elements of the caligraphy but also are the factors limiting its autonomy, which must be a paradox. All in all, the legibility and meaning of the characters must be the key criteria for determining the caligraphy as a practical art or literary art or as a pure figurative art. In this context, this study discusses the caligraphy as a pure art by comparing it with the spatial art 'painting' and the temporal art 'music.' It might be impossible to define the caligraphy or a genre of art as an autonomous art of self-perfection and categorical identity. Moreover, any attempt to define the caligraphy would fail to interpret the caligraphy appropriately. Merely, we are obliged to position the caligraphy in the process of localizing 'their modernity' and thereby, discuss how to respond to their scheme.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.509-538
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• 2017

After 20thcentury, digital game has placed very important aspect in modern culture and industries. Thus, digital game industries have utilized ancient stories for themes and ideas. This trial is not only spotted in industrial sectors but also in liberal arts. This paper has a purpose to look at factors that can convert components from classic novels into digital games. Especially, it will focus on how researchers of classical literature can affect in different industrial sectors. Current analysis shows that stories, fantasies, items of classic novel can essentially help to create new games. However, a game consists of just more than the previous stated components; it requires rules, outcome, conflicts and voluntary to make the games much more interesting. It is often misunderstood that plot and fantasies in games may be the most significant aspects but they are actually not. Classic novel can help to make the rule of the four standards in creating a fun game. Here are rules that Taewonji suggests. First, gamers need to save the bleak world from a turbulent age. Second, The will of the absolute has the ultimate power, so those who have achieved god's will can raise a new country. Thirdly, the sinocentrism and the outskirts of the country are not imperative but they are adjustable notions. The first and second aspects are commonly found in Samkukjiyeonui. Hence, the pattern is very familiar. The most significant rule is the third determinant since the idea purely came from Taewonji. The main character Im Seong from the story was the center of his home country, but he later becomes the outskirt or the barbarian of the new country. Therefore, the players should maintain the three rules when they are following the plot and using different items in the digital game world. The researchers of classic literature should find rules that are suitable for the game from the classic novels. This way, there is no need to discover a separate field for digital games out of classical literature.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.275-294
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• 2008

The specific concern of 'Xing'(形) & 'Shen'(神) theory is considering the body and the soul of human being. If either of the body and the soul including the life of human as of basic items is not existed, it may not seem to be alive. A great number of philosophers during 'Dong-Jin Northern & Southern Dynasty'(東晉南北朝) had the most active and furthest discussion throughout the history of China to study the concerns; Having a question such as "Where the body and the soul come out around us?", "What is the essence of complicated and delicate mental operation?" "Are there any relationships between the body and the soul?" and then "How do the human soul exist after death?" First, during 'Don-Jin' period as body and soul theory was based on 'Yin'(陰) and 'Yang'(陽). 'He Cheng Tian'(何承天) said that everything which was burn on earth should die because the soul couldn't stay the dead body longer. In the same age, 'Ming Fo Run'(明佛論) and 'Da Xing Run'(達性論) which denied that the soul couldn't exist forever were main topics of the discuss among the distinguished philosophers. Next, during 'Northern & Southern dynasty', body and soul theory was divided into two. First of all, body and soul of 'Heng Cun'(恒存) might be harmonized, however, that was not perfectly put together. Because, after human death, even if the body of human might be existed, the soul left elsewhere but always stayed around us. The body was the soul which meant that the soul was to the nature of the body and the body was to the usage of soul. Many philosophers insisted that nobody meant no soul according to 'Shen Bu Mie Run'(神不滅論) and 'Shen Mie Run'(神滅論) which was the main topic as an academic argument in those days. Finally, during Dong-Jin dynasty covered the significance of Body and Soul theory and analyzed the influence into the history of the history philosophy in china.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.359-384
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• 2008

Making Daxue("大學") which was originally the 43rd chapter of Liji("禮記") independent, Zhuzi(朱子) had reedited it into Daxuezhangju("大學章句") and in this process, he had added 134 letters thereto. Those 134 letters that added were concerned with gewuzhizhi(格物致知) and Zhuzi(朱子)'s such interpretation had made a great deal of contribution to the later interpretations of Daxue("大學") conducted by those scholars who followed him in a later age. Zhuzi(朱子) had interpreted gewu(格物) as to make a exhaustive study on principles of things or noumena that exist between heaven and earth. If gewu(格物) taking it for granted, denotes thorough investigation of the principles of things, it is considered that qiongli(窮理) is a more appropriate expression. Meanwhile, however, Zhuzi(朱子) argues that the reason for dubbing it gewu(格物), not calling it qiongli(窮理), is to see a thing as it is in itself. This is to emphasize that investigation of things and extension of knowledge gewuzhizhi(格物致知) is shixue(實學), not a xuxue(虛學). Zhizhi(致知) is a step through which my knowledge is being culminating in the most comprehensive and profound fashion. Specifically, Zhizhi(致知) is the phase to seek zhenzhi(眞知) having put together all knowledge gained through gewu(格物). In this true understanding, there is no room for one's own free will to intervene; zhenzhi(眞知) becomes the same as universal knowledge. The things accumulated in quantity through gewuzhizhi(格物致知) are to be changed by means of huoranguantong(豁然貫通). If we put gewuzhizhi(格物致知) as the quests of basic and general subjects, meanwhile, huoranguantong(豁然貫通) corresponds to more profound and sophisticated learning. Huoranguantong(豁然貫通) is a phase in which my principle and the universal principle become unified, and so, this is the phase where the standards in my mind will attain universality. That is to say, this means that the standards in my mind and the universal standards grow into one. Then, what is the ultimate purpose of gewuzhizhi(格物致知)? The ultimate purpose of gewuzhizhi(格物致知) is to reach zhishan(至善). If gewuzhizhi(格物致知) seeks zhishan(至善), those universal standards in my mind that attained through huoranguantong(豁然貫通) shall also be the criteria of that zhishan(至善). Viewing it from this perspective, it can be said that Zhuzi(朱子)'s gewuzhizhi(格物致知) contains both epistemological and logical aspect.

• The Journal of Korean society of community based occupational therapy
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.63-74
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• 2020

Objective : The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of internal shame and self-control on interpersonal relationships in stroke patients, and to provide evidence and information necessary for clinical trials by analyzing the relationship. Methods : For this study, 150 stroke patients receiving occupational therapy services at institutions where occupational therapists work in Jeollanam-do and Chungnam regions were targeted through email and mail from March 1, 2019 to April 30, 2019. The questionnaire was conducted using general characteristics, Relationship Change Scales(RCS), Self-Control Scales(SCS), and Internalized Shame Scale(ISS) questionnaire. Descriptive statistical analysis was performed for the general characteristics of the study subjects, and t-test and one-way batch variance analysis (ANOVA) were used to compare interpersonal relationships according to general characteristics. The relationship between internalized shame, self-control, and interpersonal competence was analyzed by Pearson's correlation coefficient, and multiple regression analysis was performed to determine the factors affecting interpersonal relationships of stroke patients. Results : As a result of comparing interpersonal competence according to general characteristics, significant differences were found in terms of age and education level. Interpersonal relationships and internalized shame, internalized shame and self-control showed a negative correlation, and self-control and interpersonal relationships had a positive correlation, but self-control was the sub-factors of interpersonal relationships such as openness, sensitivity, intimacy, It was not statistically significant with the communication item. In addition, the items of inadequacy (β =-0.32) and adventure seeking (β =-0.23), which are sub-areas of internalized shame, affect the negative direction, and physical activity (β =0.22), which is the sub-area of self-control and the self-centered (β =0.24) item was found to have an effect on the positive direction. Conclusion : Therefore, additional research is needed that can operate a rehabilitation treatment program that applies various psychological factors for the formation of interpersonal relationships among stroke patients.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.34-41
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• 2021

Objectives : The purpose of this study is to investigate the characteristics of depressive patients who admitted to general hospital. We examined the clinical characteristics of patients who were referred to the Department of Psychiatry as depressive symptoms, according to the type of consultation request, and comparing 'with re-consultation' and 'without re-consultation' groups. Methods : We performed a retrospective chart review of 4,966 inpatients who were referred to the Department of Psychiatry from August 2005 to December 2011. Results : For about 6 years, among the inpatients referred for psychiatric consultation, a total of 647 patients were referred for depressive symptoms, accounting for 13.82% of the total consultations. The average age of depressive patients was 58.6 years, which was higher than the average of 56.4 years of overall patients. Among the depressive patients, 275 patients were included in 'with re-consultation' group and there was no statistically significant difference when comparing 'with re-consultation' group and 'without re-consultation' group. However, there was a difference in the tendency of the two groups in the type of consultation request. 'With re-consultation' group was in the order of frequency of consultation type 3-2-1, whereas the 'without re-consultation' group was in the order of frequency of consultation type 2-3-1. Conclusions : The group of inpatients who were referred for depressive symptoms in general hospital showed the largest proportion of the group of patients referred to the Department of Psychiatry. 'With re-consultation' group had a higher rate of re-consultation due to the occurrence of new symptoms after hospitalization compared to 'without re-consultation' group. Therefore, doctors in each department and psychiatrists should pay attention to the depressive symptoms of inpatients and actively discuss treatment plans to improve the quality of medical services, identify risk factors, and make efforts to intervene early if necessary.